The concept of "the people" has become a key concept within the work of several Latin American theologians, Korean Minjung theologians and South African theologians. When liberation theologians use the concept of "the people" in their literature they do so with a lack of clarity, to the extent that the exact meaning of the term is obscure. In their usage of the concept "the people" liberation theologians come up with differing and at times contradictory meanings, particularly as regards the concrete and symbolic meanings of the concept. This thesis sets out to investigate the use of the concept "the people" by liberation theologians by consulting a selection from Latin American theology, Korean Minjung theology, South African liberation theology and Marxism, to detect its influence on the use of this notion. A general overview of the thesis indicates the following. The first chapter provides a detailed analysis of the concept of "the people" in the work of different liberation theologians. Chapter two considers "the people" in relation to poverty and oppression. The third chapter deals with "the people" as subjects of history. In the fourth chapter "the people" as a concept is developed in relation to belief within the Christian church. The final chapter is an evaluation. The thesis reveals that the following characteristics are central to "the people", they are poor and oppressed but are also inclusive of all those persons who identify and actively support the struggle against poverty and oppression. "The people" are subjects of their own history, finally they are Christian believers.

Orientador: Monica Graciela Zoppi-Fontana / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T00:28:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Almeida_AdrianaAparecidade_M.pdf: 14254411 bytes, checksum: 9bd4d66bc8eefa8b4ec53b278a0751ca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo / Resumo: Esta dissertação apresenta uma análise acerca de duas produções jornalísticas que se nomeiam resistentes produzidas em dois períodos distintos: no período da ditadura militar(década de setenta), OPasquim e, no início do século XXI, OPasquim21. Com base no conceito da derrisão, a qual entende a prática humorística como produção ambígua de efeitos de contestação e regulação dos valores e dos códigos culturais dominantes, analisamos os funcionamentos da resistência nas materialidades das capas, dos editoriais e das cartas de leitores. Os três gêneros discursivos permitiram analisar as diferentes posições discursivas da FD de jornalismo de resistência em condições de produção diferentes. Nas capas, as diferentes relações do humor com a língua variando entre o verbal e o não-verbal. Nos editoriais, as práticas de textualização e os modos de dizer que resultam de uma relação com a memória em cada conjuntura. Nas cartas de leitores, a relação estabelecida entre jornal e leitor, que pode assumir a forma de cumplicidade, nos anos 70, ou de questionamento da falta de eficácia de oposição, no Pasquim21 / Abstract: This dissertation presents an analysis over two newspaper issues that call themselves resistant. They were issued in two different periods: in the dictatorship period(in the seventies), OPasquim and OPasquim21 issued in the beginning of twenty-first century. Based on the derision concept, which considers the humor practice as an ambiguous effect of contestation and regulation of the values and dominant cultural codes, we analyzed the resistance functioning in the materialities of the covers, the editorials and the reader¿s letters. All the three discoursive genres allowed us to analyze the different discoursive positions in the journalism FD of resistance in different conditions of production. In the covers, the different relation of humor with the language which ranged from verbal to non-verbal. In the editorials, the practices of textualization and the ways of saying which result from a relation with memory in each conjuncture. In the reader¿s letters, we could see the relationship established between the newspaper and the reader. In the seventies, it can take a form of complicity while it raises an issue on the lack of opposition efficiency in OPasquim21 / Mestrado / Linguistica / Mestre em Linguística

Bibliography: pages 198-213. / This study focuses on the social and political history of Africans in Langa Township from 1927 to 1948. Langa conveniently and justifiably serves as a good case study of the urban African experience because it is the area in Greater Cape Town, during this period, where there was the largest concentration of a relatively organised, stabilised and permanent African working class community. It is also the oldest township with the deepest roots and longest evolution in Cape Town. Langa also makes an interesting area of study because the politics surrounding its evolution as an urban African segregated residential township presents it not only as an arena of social conflict between the ruler and the ruled, but also stands out as a veritable testimony of the African struggle to become an integral part of the city. The thesis traces what, initially, began as an "externalised" struggle by Africans against the forced removals from the city and Ndabeni Location to Langa and attempts to establish the continuities of this struggle within the township - i.e."internalised" struggle. African popular struggles in Langa predominantly centred around such issues as rents, railway fares, living conditions, restrictions on beer brewing and trading activities, the demand for direct municipal representation and the freedom of movement. The study explores the nature of the relationship that subsisted between the Langa residents and the Cape Town City Council and the internal social and political relations in the Langa community, paying particular attention to conflicting tendencies and the forms of resolution implemented. The thesis aims to highlight the fact that protest and resistance were the only weapons that empowered the Langa residents to fight against unilateral unpopular decisions by the local authority or central government. Flowing from these findings is an attempt to discover how the lived experiences of the Langa people, their frustrations, disillusionment, crises of expectations, translated into political consciousness and how these help us to explain the people's role in nationalist politics. Alternatively, this will help us to explain how political parties, the African National Congress (ANC), the Communist Party of South Africa (CPS A), and the National Liberation League (NLL) exploited the crises in civic matters to enhance or strengthen their support bases and with what results.

In the history of opposition to white supremacist rule in South Africa, the 1950's stand out as a period of intensive legal resistance by black political bodies on an unprecedented mass scale. Undoubtedly, for all its weaknesses and difficulties, the Congress Alliance, with the African National Congress its senior partner, was the major source of opposition faced by the apartheid state in this period. More than is generally realised, however, the 1950's were also a decade of mass political action by black women in South Africa, that section of the population which a 1956 pamphlet aptly described as "the most oppressed, suffering and downtrodden of our people". At the centre of this outburst lay the Federation of South African Women (FSAW), an organisation that was linked to the Congress Alliance. It is the history of this organisation that forms the subject matter of this thesis. Little historical work has been done on women in South Africa, politically or otherwise: for this reason, the scope of this study is broad and, in addition to material on the history and make-up of the FSAW itself, several chapters have been devoted to background developments to the establishment of the FSAW in 1954.

The period 1954 to 1958 saw an unprecedented level of mobilisation and active political campaigning by women of all races in South Africa. These campaigns were split along lines of race and class, as evidenced in the demonstrations against the extension of pass laws to African women by the Federation of South African Women [FSAW] and the campaign against the Senate Bill by liberal white women of the Black Sash. What they had in common is that both groups of women organised their action into separate structures exclusive to women, with independent identities from the male-dominated structures of the Congress Alliance and of white party politics. This separate organisation from men was not carried out with an explicit feminist agenda or a developed awareness of women's oppression, however. Nevertheless, their existence constituted a challenge to the dominant patriarchal discourse that constructed women's role as domestic and exclusive to the private sphere. Newspaper representations of the two organisations by both their political allies and their political opponents, provide evidence of this dominant discourse on "women's place" and insight on the public perception of political activity by women at the time. Within the texts of FSAW and the Black Sash one finds tensions between accepted notions of women's primary role as wives and mothers, and an emerging self-conception of women as politically active in the public realm. To an extent, the self-representation of these texts mirrors the patriarchal representations of women found in the newspaper reports. However, there are also definite departures from the traditional formulations of womanhood that can be conceived of as "contestations" to the dominant discourse. The patriarchal discourse was, therefore, a discursive constraint, both external and internalised, on women's ability to become active and effective in South Africa politics in the 1950s. Paradoxically, through the practical process of women's mobilisation in FSAW and the Black Sash, new space was opened on the political terrain that allowed for the alteration of the dominent discourse on women's place in society, as well as for the emergence of contestatory feminist discourses in South Africa.

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张楠迪扬. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 140-157) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhang Nan Diyang.

This study examines the nature and intensity of collective action in five Central American nations during the period 1950-1980. Using a historical comparative analysis, I found that Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua have had guerrilla movements and Honduras and Costa Rica have not. Instead, Honduras and Costa Rica have developed workers and peasant movements that are important political forces in their respective societies. These differences are explained by comparing and contrasting the five countries in terms of distribution of land and income, their political structure and their political influence of the United States. Unequal distribution of land and income is commonly thought to produce frustration and discontent, and in turn, higher frequencies of collective action. In Central America, land and income inequality have remained, for the most part, constant, while the nature and intensity of collective action varies over time and across country. Consequently, I concluded that inequality alone does not facilitate the origin and development of forms of collective protest. More compelling theoretical arguments can be made for the political structure of each country and the political influence of the United States as preconditions for the nature and intensity of collective action. The strength of worker and peasant organizations, and their ability to protest non-violently during these times, occurred when the United States encouraged democratic government in these nations. These forms of governance provided freedom and protection for organizing and collective protest. But as the United States supported and encouraged repressive governments, non-violent actions were repressed, and in turn, violent forms of protest originated. Then guerrilla movements appeared and developed when the United States reduced or withdrew military assistance to these repressive governments.

The hypothesis that language discrimination contributes to protest and/or rebellion is tested. Constitutional language policy regarding administrative/judicial, educational and other matters is measured on three separate scales developed for this study; the status of each minority group's language under its country's policy is measured by another set of scales. Protest and rebellion variables are taken from Gurr's Minorities at Risk study. Findings include an indication that group language status contributes positively to protest and rebellion until a language attains moderate recognition by the government, at which point status develops a negative relationship with protest and rebellion, and an indication that countries with wider internal variations in their treatment of language groups experience higher levels of protest and rebellion on the part of minority groups.