In the twentieth century, we are experiencing rapid urbanization and metropolitanization in North America. Following this metropolitan area explosion are the severe social, human, and physical problems that have occured in our big urban areas. Solutions of these problems are inhibited by the complex structure of local governments in metropolitan areas. The problem is described as too many governments and not enough government. Today, regional planning deals not only with the problem of resource development, but also with the development of metropolitan areas. However, if metropolitan planning is to be effective, it must be integrated into a formal area-wide political structure with legitimate power. Thus, the hypothesis is established: for planning at the metropolitan level to be successful, it must be integrated into a well organized area-wide government authority, and must obtain a well-co-ordinated working relationship with suitably modified local governments and local planning bodies. Cities of our time are governed by two kinds of gravitational forces: forces of concentration (centripetal), and forces of dispersal (centrifugal). The inter-action of these two trends produces a new form of settlement called the metropolis. This phenomenon is the result of the scientific and technological advances of the past century. The spread of population outward from the core has brought with it a corresponding decentralization of the government pattern. New units of local government have multiplied with astonishing rapidity in the outlying areas. Metropolitan problems, such as water supply, sewage disposal, open space, transportation, unbalanced taxation, cannot be met without some fairly substantial institutional changes and comprehensive planning on an area-wide basis. In Canada, we have generally used a committee system for our local government organization. However, our local governments are unable to deal with these recently developed metropolitan problems. They have to be re-organized; and the attempts to re-organize local governments have been along the following lines: (1) inter-governmental arrangements; (2) special-purpose authorities; (3) annexation or consolidation; and, (4) city-county separation and consolidation. However, none of these attempts has furnished a satisfactory solution to the manifold problems involved in the development of the metropolitan area as a whole. Although community planning can be traced back to ancient times, the modern era of city planning began in this century. Today, city planning has been recognized as an aspect of the process of local government. However, regions of high population density and complex urban development activities require a responsible planning function for the development of regional interests. The metropolitan planning agency should seek establishment and acceptance of goals, both long-range and immediate, for the metropolitan area's physical, economic, and social development. It should strive to co-ordinate local planning, both public and private. The most desirable arrangement is that the metropolitan planning function is integrated into an area-wide and multi-functional government. By this, the planning function can more easily be tied into the programs and decision-making processes of an on-going body that has operational powers. We desire efficient government. Large-scale, metropolitan wide organization is not the most appropriate scale of organization for the provision of all public services required in a metropolis. Local governments still have vital roles to play in the lives of their citizens and in these roles they should be conserved. However, municipalities can be made more nearly equal in size through consolidation and amalgamation to strengthen the capacity of their local governments. Then, a division of functions between the "metropolitan" government and the "local" governments is necessary. The same argument is that reasonable distinction can be drawn between the concerns of metropolitan planning and those of local community planning. Duties and authorities must be appropriate to area, population, and financial resources. Only when all of these factors are balanced at the highest level, will community satisfaction be maximized. Based on the theoretical findings, the Criteria for the purposes of testing the actual cases can be derived as in the followings: I. Metropolitan government authority should be organized as general--purpose government. II. Metropolitan government authority should have enough legal powers to perform services. III. Metropolitan government authority should remain controllable by and accessible to its citizens. IV. Local municipalities should be modified to make efficient local governments, and local planning functions should be encouraged. V. Geographic adequacy. VI. Basic metropolitan planning function should be research, planning, co-operation and co-ordination, and advice and assistance. VII. Metropolitan planning body should have power of review over local plans. Three actual cases are studied based on Criteria to test the hypothesis on its practical grounds. The three cases are Metropolitan Vancouver Area, Metropolitan Winnipeg Area, and Metropolitan Toronto Area. The three metropolitan government authorities are studied under Criteria I to V; and the planning functions are studied under Criteria III to VII. The study both in depth and in scope of these three metropolitan areas is able to prove the validity of the Criteria which are derived from the theoretical findings. Therefore, the hypothesis is properly proved to be both theoretically and practically valid. In Canada, the provinces have vital roles to play in resolving our metropolitan problems. However, this should be the subject of another work. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

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Thesis (LL. M.)--York University, 2001. Graduate Programme in Law. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 205-237). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pMQ66408.

This thesis sets out to explain how spheres of responsibility or competences are assigned in the administration of government functions in order to assess the ways in which archivists can come to terms with increasingly rapid rates of administrative change in the performance of their work. It examines statutes and government publications to present a picture of the evolution of the competence of agencies of the government of Canada given responsibility for carrying out activities in administration of the function of agriculture. It is found that knowledge of the assignment of functional responsibility is essential to a number of archival tasks. It is vital to know all the bodies participating in carrying out the function when appraising records. A vital part of identifying the external structure of a fonds lies in determining the competence of the agencies creating records in it, and this knowledge must be effectively communicated in archival description. Finally, the concepts of function, competence, and activity, if clearly understood, can guide the development of vocabularies to assist users of archives to find loci of administrative action relevant to searches they are undertaking. Accumulating information about the functions, competences, and activities of organizations and keeping it current can serve many purposes in the administration of records during the entire life cycle. Organizations need this information to control and provide access to records for administrative purposes and to facilitate secondary access under freedom of information and privacy legislation or for historical research purposes. The method of analyzing how functional activity employed in this study can be used for all government organizations in Canada.

No description available.

This thesis sets out to explain how spheres of responsibility or competences are assigned in the administration of government functions in order to assess the ways in which archivists can come to terms with increasingly rapid rates of administrative change in the performance of their work. It examines statutes and government publications to present a picture of the evolution of the competence of agencies of the government of Canada given responsibility for carrying out activities in administration of the function of agriculture. It is found that knowledge of the assignment of functional responsibility is essential to a number of archival tasks. It is vital to know all the bodies participating in carrying out the function when appraising records. A vital part of identifying the external structure of a fonds lies in determining the competence of the agencies creating records in it, and this knowledge must be effectively communicated in archival description. Finally, the concepts of function, competence, and activity, if clearly understood, can guide the development of vocabularies to assist users of archives to find loci of administrative action relevant to searches they are undertaking. Accumulating information about the functions, competences, and activities of organizations and keeping it current can serve many purposes in the administration of records during the entire life cycle. Organizations need this information to control and provide access to records for administrative purposes and to facilitate secondary access under freedom of information and privacy legislation or for historical research purposes. The method of analyzing how functional activity employed in this study can be used for all government organizations in Canada. / Arts, Faculty of / Library, Archival and Information Studies (SLAIS), School of / Graduate

No description available.

In this study, I undertake a discourse analysis of struggles over representation as they were manifested in the Charlottetown referendum campaign. I utilize transcripts taken during the campaign derived from the CBC news programs The National, The Journal, and Sunday Report as well as from The CTV News. The issue of (im-)partiality provides the analytical focus for this study. Who can legitimately speak on behalf of whom, or, to what extent do individuals have a particular voice which places limitations on whom they can represent? On the one hand, underlying what I call the ‘universalistic’ discourse is the premise that human beings can act in an impartial manner so that all individuals have the capacity to speak or act in the interests of all other individuals regardless of the group(s) to which they belong. On the other hand, a competing discourse based on group-difference’ maintains that all representatives express partial voices depending on their group-based characteristics. I argue that the universalistic discourse was hegemonic in the transcripts but, at the same time, the group-difference discourse was successful at articulating powerful counter-hegemonic resistance. Ironically, the universalistic discourse was hegemonic despite widespread assumptions of partiality on the basis of province, region, language, and Aboriginality. This was possible because the universalistic discourse subsumed territorial notions of partiality within itself. In contrast, I argue that assumptions of Aboriginal partiality will likely diffuse themselves to other categories, beginning with gender, in the future. I also describe the strategies used by the competing discourses to undermine one another. The universalistic discourse successfully portrayed the group-difference discourse as an inversion to a dangerous apartheid-style society where individuals were forced to exist within group-based categories. The group-difference discourse used the strategy of anomaly to demonstrate that individuals were inevitably categorized in the universalistic discourse; impartiality was a facade for a highly-partial ruling class. In examining these strategies, I demonstrate that the group-difference discourse justified its own position by making assumptions about the operation of power and dominance in society. Thus, impartiality was impossible not for the post-modern reason that inherent differences make representation highly problematic, but because power relations hinder the ability of representatives to act in a truly impartial manner.

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The government of Quebec has officially opposed federal multicultural policy since 1971. Although the provincial response to multiculturalism, now widely known as interculturalisme, began to take shape as of the early 1980s, ethnic minorities in the province continue to be served by distinct federal and provincial bureaucracies. Despite this, federal-provincial relations over ethnic policy in Quebec remain little studied. Provincial rhetoric and many theoretical writings on intergovernmental relations in Canada together give rise to expectations of competition or conflict. However, some specialists in the field warn against overlooking collaboration. In fact, original research undertaken to explore federal-provincial relations in this sensitive policy area produced evidence of collaboration between federal and provincial officials despite divergences of opinion both political and theoretical. In addition, a certain degree of complementarity was noted in federal and provincial funding of ethnocultural and community groups.