Can states formally recognize cultural diversity and, at the same time, preserve their political and social unity and provide the main public goods of modern citizenship? Is such conciliation feasible? Is it morally desirable? In the current context of unprecedented expression and politicization of cultural identities, especially in democratic countries, such questions are more and more crucial. To answer these questions, the present study considers the contribution of the modern federal tradition. Within this tradition, I analyze four federal responses to the unity-diversity dilemma. The first two---the Belgian and Canadian federations---are practical. Each embodies one of the two dominant contemporary models of federalism: classical liberal individualist, and multinational. I study the experience of each country over the past thirty years to compare the effects of the two models on citizenship. The potential of the modern federal tradition is further assessed through an examination of two theoretical and normative reflections, those of Tocqueville and Proudhon. / The central thesis is twofold. First, I contend that in a context of increasing cultural diversity, unity and diversity have an equal value and are both essential to citizenship. This is true both from a moral and from a practical point of view. Second, I argue that the dominant conceptions of federalism are unable to satisfactorily conciliate unity and diversity. Such task requires the development of what I call an intercultural federalism, one centered on the good of identity pluralization or complexitication. From a strictly practical point of view, only an intercultural federalism can prevent identity fragmentation and the political and social fragmentation which come with it. From a moral perspective, intercultural federalism promises not only to protect, but also to maximize the primary goods which are the most affected by identity fragmentation---political liberty and social solidarity---while also promoting individual liberty. Intercultural federalism rests on three principles which summarize the teachings of the modern federal tradition with regard to the establishment of just citizenship institutions in a context of diversity. Such institutions are just in that they protect and maximize the primary goods of citizenship for all citizens. The three principles are: (1) mutual recognition; (2) intercultural dialogue; (3) multi-varied asymmetrical institutionalization.

No description available.

No description available.

In studying the capacity of Canadian Indians for local government on their reserves two objects are sought. First we wish to show the extent to which Indians are involved in directing the affairs of their communities. Second, we hope to discover where Indians, in comparison with other Canadians, are incapacitated by virtue of their special legal, social and economic status. Research for this study was gleaned from files, publications and records of interviews in the offices of the Indian Affairs Branch of the federal government, provincial departments of municipal affairs and offices of municipal associations in Ottawa, Toronto, Winnipeg, Edmonton and Vancouver. We begin our study by investigating the reality of local government for non-Indians. Then we look at the capacity of Indians for similar forms of local authority on their reserves. Capacity is examined in terms of legal competence, existing economic and administrative ability to carry out local functions and potential for future development of local government. Non-Indian local government is developed under a complex set of provincial legal and economic controls. Non-Indian municipalities appear to be mainly oriented towards the provision of local services. In contrast Indian local government is developed under the federal legislation of the Indian Act. A flexible interpretation of the Act by federal officials permits the development of local government forms to suit the needs of particular reserves. On the other hand controls exercised by federal officials, along with deficiencies in local economic resources and administrative skills, tend to retard the growth of local government. A possible way for the reduction of differences between Indian and non-Indian capacities would involve the integration of bands and municipalities within a common framework of local government. There is little evidence at present of such integration if measured in terms of transactions between bands and municipalities, common opportunities under federal and provincial programs of grants and joint membership in regional governments and local government associations. A set of alternative courses is considered for Indian communities to follow in the future. We conclude that evolution of local government under the Indian Act seems the most appropriate means by which Indian capacities can be used both to improve local services and to develop non-Indian political skills among Indians. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

No description available.