Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression analysis is applied to a cross-national data set to test two hypotheses concerning governments' hard-line response against terrorism: do hard-line responses cause more damage vis a vis event outcome and is the hard-line approach a deterrent? Six national factors are included in this analysis: economic development, economic growth rate, democratic development, leftist regime type, military regime type and British colonial legacy. Only the level of economic development, economic growth rate and leftist regime type demonstrated statistically significant relationships with the dependent variable "event frequency." Government response strength demonstrated a strong statistically significant relationship with event outcome, however, its relationship with event frequency was statistically insignificant.

This dissertation is about major natural disasters, and how they contribute to legitimacy crises of governments. Three major factors explain the emergence of a legitimacy crisis in a post-disaster context: the frequency of disaster occurrence, the quality of the government response to disasters, and the type of regime within which the government operates. Employing a large-N statistical analysis of data on major natural disasters and anti-government domestic political activities for the years between 1990 and 2010, I show that higher counts of disasters, as a rule, increase the risks of anti-government demonstrations, revolutions, riots, guerrilla warfare, and intrastate conflict. The disaster-political opposition relationship is conditional upon the characteristics of political regimes. No regime is entirely free from the political dangers of disasters. Consolidated autocracies and well established democracies are less likely than mixed regimes to observe political crises in the context of a higher frequency of natural disasters. To evaluate the quality of government response and how it mediates the disaster-legitimacy relationship, I conduct a qualitative analysis of news reports on four major disaster events in South Asia - cyclone Sidr of 2007 and cyclone Aila of 2009 in Bangladesh and cyclone Aila and the Kashmir earthquake of 2005 in India. The case studies reveal that poor preparedness and inadequate immediate and long-term response of a government invite public criticism of the incumbent, antigovernment protest movements, and anti-incumbent voting in elections. When opposition parties translate this public frustration into broader political mobilization, the moral claim of the incumbent to remain in power diminishes substantially, sometimes causing a legitimacy crisis. As opposed to common expectations, democracy may not provide the best political environment for effective disaster response. The quality of government response is influenced rather by a regime's security concerns, the level of administrative efficacy and corruption, the military's role in the disaster response process, socio-economic conditions of the affected people, and leadership competition over the disaster management process. This study has broader implications for understanding the kinds of political strains that disasters create in a society and how governments function in Bangladesh and India. Much of these governments' energy is devoted to managing disasters, which diminishes their capacity to govern. Political elites in Bangladesh and India use disaster events as opportunities to strengthen clientelism and exclude political opposition in the affected areas

Worldwide, the risks from natural and technological hazards has been mounting at an accelerating rate, improvements in forecasting and warning systems have reduced deaths, however monetary losses from disasters are overwhelming (Burby, 2004). Pre event planning for recovery helps to resolve issues before a disaster so recovery is more efficient and effective. It also ensures that the window of opportunity can be used to implement hazard mitigation measures to reduce the vulnerability of the area with the aim of improving resilience for the next disaster. International case studies were examined, the Northridge earthquake being the most successful recovery while Hurricane Katrina the least. The recovery of the Napier 1931 earthquake was chosen as a New Zealand case study; to date this is the country's worst disaster. Overall the recovery of Napier was a success, shops were opened in temporary premises to keep the economy going and mitigation measures were included in the rebuilding. The earthquake has had important flow on effects on the way that disasters are managed in New Zealand. To create pre event plans in New Zealand legislation needs to be modified, including recovery plans and development of shortcuts to reduce some procedures which lengthen the recovery process. These plans need to take into account our national vulnerability as well as regional vulnerabilities.

Worldwide, the risks from natural and technological hazards has been mounting at an accelerating rate, improvements in forecasting and warning systems have reduced deaths, however monetary losses from disasters are overwhelming (Burby, 2004). Pre event planning for recovery helps to resolve issues before a disaster so recovery is more efficient and effective. It also ensures that the window of opportunity can be used to implement hazard mitigation measures to reduce the vulnerability of the area with the aim of improving resilience for the next disaster. International case studies were examined, the Northridge earthquake being the most successful recovery while Hurricane Katrina the least. The recovery of the Napier 1931 earthquake was chosen as a New Zealand case study; to date this is the country's worst disaster. Overall the recovery of Napier was a success, shops were opened in temporary premises to keep the economy going and mitigation measures were included in the rebuilding. The earthquake has had important flow on effects on the way that disasters are managed in New Zealand. To create pre event plans in New Zealand legislation needs to be modified, including recovery plans and development of shortcuts to reduce some procedures which lengthen the recovery process. These plans need to take into account our national vulnerability as well as regional vulnerabilities.

No description available.

Despite the benefits of antiretroviral therapy in treating HIV/AIDS, government responses have varied substantially, from provisions guaranteeing nearly universal access to insufficient provisions providing almost no access. This research seeks to specifically examine primary explanations, such as economic capacity, and emerging explanations, such as the role of electoral accountability and the presence of stigma, and the coordination between the epistemic community and political leadership as potential causes for the variance in the government provision. By controlling for state economic capacity, this research furthers the importance of examining other explanations for state response in light of a public health crisis. While electoral accountability and the role of stigma had marginal impacts, the level of scientific coordination and understanding among the states political leadership had perceptible impacts. This research also tests broader aspects of the political economy such as the role of state capacity and subsequent government crisis response.

Thesis (Master of Strategic Studies) -- Army War College, 2006. / Title from title screen (viewed Aug. 20, 2008). "8 March 2006"--P. [iii]. "ADA449254"--URL. Includes bibliographical references (p. 15-22). Also issued in paper format.