Various academic authors have analysed the implementation, the causes and the impact of the permanent campaign strategy by political executives in presidential and parliamentary systems, notably the United States and United Kingdom. This study builds on this literature and extends the research on the permanent campaign in the European parliamentary majoritarian context by examining contemporary Greece as a national case study. In particular, the study addresses three questions. First, did contemporary Greek Prime Ministers adopt the permanent campaign strategy? Second, why did they do so? Third, what impact did the implementation of the permanent campaign have on their public approval? The research focuses on the cases of three successive Prime Ministers in Greece: Costas Simitis (1996–2004), Kostas Karamanlis (2004–2009) and George Papandreou (2009-2011). Simitis and Papandreou were leaders of the centre-left PASOK, while Karamanlis was the leader of the centre-right New Democracy. The study finds that all three Prime Ministers undertook the permanent campaign strategy in order to maintain public approval, aligning themselves with their British and American counterparts. They established new communication units within the primeministerial apparatus, consulted with communication professionals to form a coherent communication strategy, used private polling to shape political strategy, policy and presentation, used campaign-like messages as mottos to promote their policy plans and made public appearances to woo public opinion. In addition, the thesis indicates that the permanent campaign in Greece was a result of the modernisation of political communication due to political and technological developments, such as the decline of political parties, the rise of television and the proliferation of new political technologies that have appeared in other countries as well. However, the results drawn from the data analysis suggest that the 6 prime ministerial permanent campaign hardly affected the prime ministerial approval, confirming the findings of empirical studies in the US and the UK.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the present political situation in Greece and the events that took place from the time that Papandreou’s Center Union Party came to power in 1964 to the military coup d’etat in 1967. However, in order to develop a picture of what led to the coup of 1967, it is necessary not only to discuss specific events prior and during the coup, but also to present a brief background of modern Greek politics since Greece’s independence from the Turks in 1821. The paper is divided into five chapters: the first chapter briefly summarizes the events that took place on April 21, 1967; the second traces the events that led to the April 21 coup d’etat; the third indicates what the situation was before April 21, 1967; the fourth discusses the polices and governing methods of the present military regime; the fifth is a concluding statement. There is little data in books or professional journals about recent Greek politics. Consequently, this work was largely dependent on newspapers, news magazines, and the testimony of a number of Greeks for information. The Greek people are presently under the dictatorial rule of a military regime. Resistance against the regime appears to be increasing. As resistance increases, more repressive measures and unrest will develop, until the country erupts into a bloody civil war.

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This thesis builds on, and contributes to recent scholarship on the history of nineteenth‐century liberalism by exploring Greek legal thought and its political implications during the first decades after independence from the Ottomans (ca.1830‐1880). Protagonists of this work of intellectual history are the Greek jurists—a small group of very influential legal scholars—most of whom flocked to the Greek kingdom right after its establishment. By focusing on their theoretical contributions and public action, the thesis has two major contentions. First, it shows that the legal, political and economic thought of the jurists was not only conversant with Continental liberal currents of the Restoration, but, due to the particular local context, made original contributions to liberalism. Indeed, Greek liberals shared a lot with their counterparts in France, Italy and Germany, not least the belief that liberty originated in law and the state and not against them. Another shared feature was the distinction between the elitist liberal variant of the ‘Romanist’ civil lawyers such as Pavlos Kalligas, and the more ‘radical moderate’ version of Ioannis Soutsos and Nikolaos Saripolos. At the same time, the Greek liberals, seeking not to terminate but to institutionalize the Greek revolution, tuned to the radical language of natural rights (of persons and states) and national sovereignty. This language, which sought to control the rulers, put more contestation in power and expand political participation gained wide currency during the crisis of the 1850s, which exposed also the precarious place of Greece in the geography of European civilization. The second contention of the thesis is that this ‘transformation of thought’, informed the ‘long revolution’ of the 1860s and the new system of power this latter established. By so doing, it shows that liberal jurisprudence provided the intellectual foundations upon which the modern Greek state was build.

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Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Humanities, Department of Ancient History, 2002. / Bibliography: leaves 411-439. / Athenian politics and politicians -- Athenian political ideology -- A prosopographical study of the leading Athenian politicians -- Conclusion. / This thesis is a revisionist history of Athens during the much-neglected period between the Lamian and Chremonidean wars. It draws upon all the available literary and epigraphical evidence to provide a reinterpretation of Athenian politics in this confused period. -- Rather than providing a narrative of Athens in the early Hellenistic period (a task which has been admirably completed by Professor Christian Habicht), this thesis seeks to provide a review of Athenian politics and politicians. It seeks to identify who participated in the governing of Athens and their motivations for doing so, to determine what constituted a politician in democratic Athens, and to redefine political ideology. The purpose of this research is to allow a clearer understanding of the Athenian political arena in the early Hellenistic period. -- This thesis is comprised of three sections: -The first provides a definition of what constituted a politician in democratic Athens and how Athenian politicians interacted with each other. -The second discusses Athenian political ideology, and seeks to demonstrate that the Athenian politicians of the early Hellenistic period were just as ideologically motivated as their predecessors in the fifth and fourth centuries. This section seeks to show that the much-maligned Hellenistic democracies were little different from the so-called "true" democracies of the Classical period. The only real difference between these regimes was the fact that whereas Classical Athens was militarily strong and independent, Hellenistic Athens lacked the military capacity to remain free and independent, and was incapable of competing with the Macedonian dynasts as an equal partner. -The third section consists of a series of detailed prosopographical studies of leading Athenian politicians including Demades, Phokion, Demetrios of Phaleron, Stratokles, and Demochares. The purpose of this section is to evaluate the careers of these politicians who played a pivotal role in Athenian politics in order to enable us to better understand the nature of Athenian politics and political ideology in this period. -This thesis also includes an appended list of all the Athenians who meet my definition of a "politician" in democratic Athens. -- The overall aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that there was no real qualitative difference between Athenian democracy in the period between the Lamian and Chremonidean wars and the fifth and fourth century democracies. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / viii, 439 leaves ill

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