The purpose of this thesis is to defend Athenian democracy against a long-established suspicion that the Athenian government, with its radical form of popular participation, was not only incompetent but also dangerous. There are two serious misunderstandings in this traditional view; one is the myth of the decline of Athens after the death of Pericles, the other being the outright denial of Athenian democracy by its philosophers, Xenophon and Plato. These two common presumptions about Athenian history and philosophy are therefore examined. The historical examination focuses on three important events: the law reform, the reconciliation and the trial of Socrates. All of them were conducted by Athenian democracy at the end of the fifth century B.C., a period of time that is often cited for the failure of democracy. However, it is found that the democracy demonstrated its excellent ability to manage political conflicts through the laws and the reconciliation. As to the infamous trial of Socrates, there were reasons for the popular suspicion of the Philosopher’s way of life. Following what we have learnt in the historical survey, we search for responses to the three events in the works of Xenophon and Plato. There are passages, though often dismissed by scholars, which indicate remarkable recognition of the democratic achievements in domestic politics. As regards the trial of Socrates, there are also signs of second thoughts in their works that reveal understandings of the democracy’s condemnation of philosophy. The works of Socrates’ pupils show mixed evaluation rather than outright denial of Athenian democracy. The traditional suspicion of Athenian democracy is therefore problematic due to its misconception of Athenian history and philosophy.

A nation's foreign policy is often subject to change. This change may occur in its relations with other nationstates or with international organizations such as the European Economic Community (E.E.C.). Greece became a full E.E.C. member in January, 1980, when the conservative Nea Democratia was in power. The Nea Democratia, both in government from 1974 to 1981 and in opposition since 1981, has been consistent in its support for the E.E.C.; in contrast, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) has not. PASOK, in opposition from 1974 to 1 981 , was against Greek membership in the European communities. PASOK, in its first term in office from 1981 to 1985, reversed itself on the issue. During this period, PASOK made no effort to withdraw Greece from the E.E.C. This study examines PASOK's reversal of policy. Two domestic factors are examined in detail: the general economic difficulties of Greece during PASOK's first term, and the role of the powerful agrarian interests.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-11-09T10:23:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael Tubone Magdaleno.pdf: 1744752 bytes, checksum: 92589a757d6579a5773932d15a846ce4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-09T10:23:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael Tubone Magdaleno.pdf: 1744752 bytes, checksum: 92589a757d6579a5773932d15a846ce4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-17 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The present paper intends to investigate the Athenian democracy. An idea that spread out and expanded to other pillars: its institutions, its imaginary, its Law. It seeks the specific status of this idea within the Greek civilizational panorama – especially the classical period, which is conventionally said to go from the 7th to the 4th century BCE – and to link this idea – a democratic one – to the juridical composition that supported it. The paper shows how it differs from our current legal structure and how binding the concepts of Law, of freedom and of democratic political regime were in that primeval time. This study is based on a literature review of democratic Athens, but also of interrelated notions, such as the history of democracy, Roman Law – which serves as a counterpoint to Athenian Law. Finally, we consider that Athenian democracy is not only structured just as direct democracy. It has institutions. It values freedom over the law; legal-political decisions take place within the Εκκλησία and may be reviewed; it presupposes a civic formation for public participation and generates a community linked to the notion of public word, in which the sophists are the "teachers" par excellence / O presente trabalho pretende investigar a democracia ateniense. Uma ideia que se espraia e se distende em outros sustentáculos: suas instituições, seu imaginário, seu direito. Busca-se o estatuto específico dessa ideia no panorama civilizacional grego – em especial na época clássica, que convencionalmente se diz ir do século VII ao IV a.C. – e vincular essa ideia – democrática – à composição jurídica que lhe sustentava. O trabalho mostra o quanto ela se diferencia de nossa estrutura jurídica hodierna e o quanto são vinculativos os conceitos de direito, de liberdade e de regime político democrático nesse momento primevo. Esse estudo baseia-se em revisão bibliográfica sobre a Atenas democrática, e também sobre as noções inter-relacionadas, como, por exemplo, a história da democracia e o direito romano – que serve de contraponto ao direito ateniense. Por fim, pensamos que a democracia ateniense não se estrutura apenas como democracia direta. Ela possui instituições; ela valoriza a liberdade sobre a lei; as decisões jurídico-políticas se dão no seio da própria Εκκλησία, podendo ser revistas; ela pressupõe uma formação cívica para a participação pública e gera uma comunidade vinculada à noção de palavra pública, em que os sofistas são os “professores” por excelência

Thesis (MPhil (Ancient Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The main purpose of this thesis is to examine examples of information-gathering and political intelligence in Herodotus' Histories. In Herodotus' account, dialogues, anecdotes, and even inserted authorial commentary describe how leaders obtain politically relevant and timely information about other individuals and nations (intelligence). Herodotus links political decisions, based on gathered information, with his presentation of historical causation. In his multi-themed account, Herodotus provides tales of commissioned information-gathering missions, espionage, secret messages, and even disguises as nations and political leaders attempt to find out about their enemies and their allies. While the various anecdotes of information-gathering may not be historically precise, they may, in fact, infer real goals and problems of ancient Greek intelligence practices. The second purpose of this thesis is to explore Herodotus' use of cultural information within decision-making and statecraft. Herodotus presents nomos (culture or custom) as a compelling force for human behavior and military action. By articulating the importance of cultural information to political and military intelligence, Herodotus' work foreshadows modern intelligence theories and practices. This nomos-aspect of Herodotus' information-gathering anecdotes is especially relevant to current post-modern trend of culturally-based intelligence solutions to western counter-insurgency efforts. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hoofdoel van hierdie tesis is om voorbeelde van inligtingversameling en politieke intellegensie in Herodotus se Histories te ondersoek. In Herodotus se verslae, dialoë, anekdotes en selfs ingevoegde ouktoriele kommentaar word daar beskryf hoe leiers polities relevante en aktuele inligting oor ander indiwidue en nasies (intellegensie) verkry. Herodotus verbind politieke besluite, gebaseer op ingewinde inligting, met sy voorstelling van historiese kousaliteitsleer. In sy vertellings met meervoudige temas, verskaf Herodotus verhale van opdragte wat gegee is vir inligtingsinwinningsendings, spioenasiewerk, geheime boodskappe en selfs vermommings waarmee nasionale en politieke leiers gepoog het om uit te vind oor hul vyande en bondgenote. Terwyl die verskeie anekdotes van inligtinginwinning moontlik nie histories presies is nie, is hulle dalk in werklikheid afgelei van regte doelstellings en probleme van antieke Griekse intellegensiepraktyke. Die tweede doel van hierdie tesis is om ondersoek in te stel na Herodotus se gebruik van kulturele inligting in besluitneming en regeerkuns. Herodotus stel nomos (kultuur of gebruik) as ‟n dwingende krag vir menslike gedrag en militêre aksie voor. Deur die belangrikheid van kulturele inligting vir politieke en militêre intellegensie te artikuleer, is Herodotus se werk ‟n voorafskaduwing van moderne intellegensie teorieë en praktyke. Hierdie nomos-aspek van Herodotus se inligtingsinwinningsanekdotes is veral relevant vir die huidige post-modernistiese neiging van kultuur-gebaseerde intellegensieoplossings vir westerse teen-insergensie pogings.

The focus of this thesis is Greece after the 1967 Colonels' Coup. After an analysis of American responses to military coups among allies since 1949, the Greek situation is explored in depth. Emphasis is given to Congressional and Executive infighting and bureaucratic interpretations of policy. The two presidents who dealt with the Colonels are studied for personal reaction. Sources include the New York Times and its Index, the Department of State Bulletins, current Greek history books, Congressional Hearings and other documents relating to Greece. Major conclusions are that Congressional- Executive infighting produced a meandering non-policy toward Greece, and there was a difference in Johnson's and Nixon's reaction with the latter being more pragmatic verbally but less effective factually.

This thesis is an examination of how Greek tyranny in the fourth century and the early Hellenistic age was influenced by Achaemenid Persia and the Ancient Near East. The introduction lays out the problems of interpreting the Ancient Near East through Greco-Roman sources, via Ephippus' description of Alexander the Great, as well as discussing two important examples of Persianisation that have been examined in detail in the past: Pausanias of Sparta and Alexander the Great. The relevant Classical Greek and Achaemenid sources concerning Persian kingship are then considered, in order to establish four categories by which to examine the tyrannical dynasties chosen as case studies: Appearance, Accessibility, Dynasty and Military Function. Using these four categories, the dynasties of the Dionysii of Syracuse, the Clearchids of Heraclea Pontica, the Hecatomnids of Caria and Agathocles of Syracuse, chosen for their geographical and temporal variance, are examined individually over the next four chapters. Appearance concerns the ruler's dress and body presentation, the use of status items such as crowns and sceptres, and the display of luxury. Accessibility concerns the use of architecture and fortifications, as well as court protocol and bodyguards, in order to control access to the ruler. Dynasty concerns family trees, marriages and the role of women, and the role of close family and subordinates in important administrative positions. Military Function concerns the role of the ruler in warfare as well as power symbols, titles and epithets. The analysis of the tyrannies taken altogether using the same categories forms the basis of the subsequent chapter, and allows for comparison with the Achaemenid Persian evidence in order to determine whether there is any significant correlation. This chapter also examines the potential methods of transmission. The thesis concludes that there are significant similarities in some aspects of tyrannical rule with that of Achaemenid kingship, and demonstrates that tyrants were engaging in the political and philosophical discourse of the era. The 'royal nature' as demonstrated by Xenophon proves to be something that tyrants aspire to, without becoming kings in name. The thesis also concludes that thinking of Greek tyrants in rigid characterisation is no longer acceptable, whether temporally as alter and junger tyranny, or geographically as Greek rulers of Greek cities with no contextual influence.

After the defeat of the Greek forces in the Lamian War the Athenians agreed to Antipater's demand for unconditional surrender. As result of the terms the Macedonian general demanded Phocion became pre-eminent in Athens for a few years from 322/1 to 319/8 B.C. It is my belief that, although he did not seek to become leader in Athens, Phocion none-the-less accepted his new role out of a sense of duty and a firm belief that he was the only person suited for the job. Here was a man whose logical, pragmatic and unemotional attitude to political and world affairs enabled him to rise above what he believed to be the short-sightedness of his contemporaries and accurately assess the future for Athens and the city-state's place in the new world order. Of course our picture of Phocion is taken, mainly, from Plutarch's encomiastic Life of Phocion. According to his account the Athenian general and statesman did not want war but peace and prosperity. He did not believe the Athenians capable of defeating Macedonia. Instead, he felt that the people should accept their new position in the world and make the best of the situation. It should not be forgotten, however, that Plutarch was writing at a time when Europe was under the yoke of the new superpower: Rome. He saw the benefits of living in Greece at a time when the city-states were no longer continually involved in internecine warfare. It was, perhaps, this appreciation of the state of his own world, gained with the benefit of hindsight, that gave rise to his admiration of (what he perceived to be) Phocion's foresight. Phocion appeared to understand, as Plutarch did, that there was no reason why Athens could not still be prosperous. Plutarch's Phocion saw the city-state's future as no longer being primarily reliant on military preparedness but rather on trade and sound economic policy. With the protection of the powerful Macedonian overlord Athens would be free to enjoy life in relative peace and prosperity. Ultimately, Plutarch has had a significant influence on our understanding and appreciation of Phocion the general, statesman and man. The aim of this paper then is, with the use of other primary and secondary sources, to look beyond Plutarch's encomium and attempt to find the real Phocion. In particular, I will be examining the aging general's role in Athenian affairs after the Lamian War. This pivotal time in Athenian history has received too little attention. Life in Athens changed dramatically after Antipater defeated the Greek forces at the Battle of Crannon. The Athenians lost their freedom and autonomy and were fated never to regain the hegemony of the Greeks. Moreover, they had failed to live up to the glorious deeds of their ancestors. It was Phocion's task to help his people to come to terms with this new state of affairs and to find a place for Athens in the new world order. And so, political life in Athens was turned upside down as democracy was changed to oligarchy.

Thesis (MPhil (Ancient Studies)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / The main purpose of this study is to investigate and describe the differences between the fifth-century city states of Athens and Sparta. The approach I use is that of altérité (“otherness”). I look in particular at four of the most important social phenomena: women, slaves, the army and the political structures. In these respects there are extensive differences between the two city states: Athens acquired its slaves through buying them or as spoils of war over time and on an individual basis; Sparta conquered and enslaved a whole nation, the Messenians, early on to serve permanently as their slaves. Athenian women enjoyed no social or legal freedom or rights; Spartan women enjoyed all these rights and could own and inherit property and goods. In Athens, since the time of Themistocles the fleet was regarded as much more important than the infantry; Sparta had very early on developed a professional infantry which was regarded as the best right through the Greek-speaking world. Athens started changing its constitution at a relatively late stage, but once started, continued to work on it until they attained an early form of democracy; Sparta never developed beyond the monarchical stage, but did adapt it to suit their needs. The second purpose of this study is to discover and attempt to explain why the above-mentioned differences are so great. The point here is not so much that Athens was the model city state which everybody tried to emulate, but rather that Sparta was the city state which was significantly different from any of the others.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette thèse cherche à mettre en évidence les raisons qui ont amené une large part des ateliers grecs à orientaliser leurs productions durant la "période orientalisante" (VIIe siècle avant J.-C.). La méthode déployée pour répondre à cet objectif consiste en une contextualisation sociale des artisanats orientalisants, laquelle s'effectue par le biais de l'analyse d'un certain nombre de contextes archéologiques et de textes. Une fois le rôle des objets orientalisants dans la société proto-archaïque mis en évidence, leurs raisons d'être apparaissent plus clairement.<p>Le développement de la citoyenneté en Grèce à partir de la seconde moitié du VIIIe siècle avant J.-C. a donné lieu à une extension du pouvoir politique et militaire à une part plus importante de la population des cités. La propagation de ce qui constituait autrefois les principaux modes de reconnaissance a amené les élites à développer de nouvelles façons de se distinguer dans le paysage social. Dans un même temps, les citoyens de chaque cité ont développé des institutions communales, telles que les cultes civiques et les repas en commun, afin d'unifier le groupe qu'ils formaient et de renforcer le fossé qui séparait celui-ci du reste de la société. Le travail de contextualisation entrepris dans cette thèse a montré que l'art orientalisant constituait un outil facilitant la mise en place de ces deux évolutions.<p>D'une part, parce qu'ils faisaient explicitement allusion aux cultures du Proche-Orient, dont les richesses exerçaient une réelle fascination sur les Grecs de cette époque, les objets orientalisants permettaient de rehausser le prestige de leurs propriétaires. Autrement dit, ils constituaient des modes de reconnaissance sociale particulièrement efficaces. De nombreuses données archéologiques et textuelles ont permis de confirmer ce point de vue, mettant en évidence que les objets orientalisants étaient utilisés lors de banquets prestigieux, comme offrandes ostentatoires aux dieux et aux morts, ou encore pour contenir de précieux parfums. <p>D'autre part, en tant qu'esthétique nouvelle, complètement libérée des formes géométriques utilisées durant les siècles précédents, l'art orientalisant figurait également au rang des pratiques censées unifier la citoyenneté. Cette seconde conclusion a été mise en évidence au travers de l'étude du cas de la Crète, où, au VIIe siècle, l'art orientalisant a en grande partie été utilisé dans le cadre d'institutions civiques :les banquets publics, les cultes civiques, et les guerres.<p><p><p><p>This dissertation aims at the understanding of the reasons lying behind the orientalization of artefacts in Greece during the so-called "Orientalizing period" (i.e. the 7th cent. BC). In order to achieve this goal, the author focused on archaeological contexts and textual information. They allowed him to replace the orientalizing objects back in their original social context and to understand their initial purposes. <p>The birth of the citizenship in Greece at the end of the 8th cent. BC gave rise to the extension of the political and military power to a wider part of the population. This created a need for the former elite to develop other means of social distinction. Conversely, the communities of citizens developed communal institutions, like civic cults, communal dinners, etc. meant to cement and to level the group, and to reinforce the gulf that separated it from the rest of the society. This thesis showed that orientalizing art contributed to the setting up of these changes. <p>On one hand, because Greek orientalizing artefacts explicitly alluded to Near Eastern cultures, that were indeed perceived as being particularly rich at that time by the Greeks, they could enhance the individual prestige of the people using them. Archaeological research confirmed this hypothesis, showing that Greek orientalizing objects were used during conspicuous banquets, as lavish offerings for the dead and the gods, and for containing precious perfumes. <p>On the other hand, as artefacts decorated in a new style, completely freed from the geometric aesthetics displayed in the previous centuries, orientalizing objects also figured among the practices developed for strengthening the citizens’ corps. This second conclusion was reached through the study-case of Crete, where orientalizing art of the 7th cent. seems nearly exclusively used in a context of civic institutions :public banquets, civic cults and festivals, and wars.<p><p> / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished