Although Autonomous Vehicles (AVs) are quickly becoming a reality, there is much that needs to be understood before mainstream commercialization can occur. One critical issue is the interplay between multiple fields of engineering. Whereas the first part of this work is a granular treatment of a specific issue, the second part simultaneously examines numerous fields within the transportation industry. In the surge to understand and develop AVs, researchers tend to study specific subdivisions within the "vehicle engineering umbrella". In particular, mechanical and civil engineers study vehicle dynamics in two different levels of specificity. Mechanical engineers typically investigate small-scale dynamic behavior which applies to a single vehicle, such as vehicle-terrain interactions or the behavior of mechanical components. On the other hand, civil engineers tend to study kinematic behavior: the behavior of platoons as it pertains to large-scale traffic flow. Regardless of the scale of study, each subdivision has a set of performance metrics. Due to the differences among subdivisions, some performance metrics may (unintentionally) compete. Compromises must be made in the design stage to produce a vehicle which caters to an appropriate audience. The first part of this work features two major contributions to bridge the gap between the dynamic and kinematic perspectives. One is the application of Design Envelopes that establishes a framework to balance constraints and assess design tradeoffs arising from each viewpoints. Three Design Envelopes are introduced to reach compromises on a vehicle's velocity, acceleration, and jerk. Another contribution is a methodology to tune the parameters of a car-following model analytically. Current tuning practices require empirically collected traffic count data, which is cumbersome to obtain. Analytically parameterizing car-following models facilitates more robust planning and encompasses both the dynamic and kinematic perspectives. The second contribution utilizes these Design Envelopes to improve a currently-existing speed profile generator. Integrating the Design Envelopes reformulates the existing algorithm as a constrained LQR problem, which enhances ride comfort and maintains dynamic stability for not just one vehicle, but a platoon. Simulations demonstrate that the refined algorithm can reduce the travel time on a specific route by 3-4.4%. More importantly, the simulations demonstrate it is possible to synthesize multiple engineering fields to enhance AV design. The second part of this work features two contributions aimed at revisions to modern-day highway design policies based on the concept of combining microscopic and macroscopic principles. One common belief is that AVs should drive better than the best human drivers, which suggests operating at or close to the vehicle's theoretical handling limits. Operating in this manner requires a thorough understanding of the associated risks, particularly the risks stemming from uncertainty. This is especially pertinent as there are many inherently probabilistic quantities that are conveniently treated as deterministic in vehicle performance simulations, such as the coefficient of friction. This is a questionable practice when operating on the precipice of compromised safety. Thus, the second part of this work probabilistically examines the chance of handling loss given the amount of tire-road friction and driver acceleration. The result is a mathematically rigorous quantification of a safety margin for various road conditions and driver ability levels. Changes to the official US highway design handbook are recommended based on the findings. / Doctor of Philosophy / Autonomous vehicles (AVs) are quickly becoming a reality. In the surge to understand and develop AVs, researchers tend to study specific subdivisions within the vehicle engineering umbrella. In particular, mechanical and civil engineers study vehicle dynamics in two different levels of specificity. Mechanical engineers typically investigate the dynamics of a single vehicle, such as vehicle-terrain interactions or how various mechanical components operate. On the other hand, civil engineers tend to study traffic flow, which involves platoons (large groups of vehicles). Regardless of the scale of study, each subdivision has a set of performance metrics. Due to the differences among subdivisions, some performance metrics may (unintentionally) compete. Compromises must be made in the design stage to produce a vehicle which caters to an appropriate audience. This work features four main contributions. The first contribution is the application of Design Envelopes that establishes a framework to balance constraints arising from the different ways of studying vehicle dynamics. Three Design Envelopes are introduced to reach compromises on various facets of a vehicle's behavior, such as the vehicle's speed. The second contribution utilizes these Design Envelopes to improve a currently-existing speed profile generator. The current speed profile generator determines how to smoothly transition between two speeds (such as needing to decelerate to remain under a speed limit), but the ride may be uncomfortable to passengers. Integrating the Design Envelopes into the algorithm enhances the ride comfort for not just one vehicle, but a platoon. Simulations demonstrate that the refined algorithm can reduce the travel time on a specific route by 3-4.4%. The third contribution examines how horizontal curves on highways are designed, and a revision based on an acceleration-based safety margin is proposed. Finally, the fourth contribution considers important design variables probabilistically to establish a link between a motorist's acceleration and the chance of a tire skidding failure, which can impact the way straightaway road segments are designed to accommodate sudden braking maneuvers. As a whole, this work demonstrates it is possible to synthesize multiple engineering fields to enhance both current and future (full-scale AV implementation) roadway design.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:30:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Juliano mauricio de Carvalho.pdf: 1030964 bytes, checksum: f2b699d7af4474b04628c2b2620e8ab3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-04-29 / The research analyzes the Green Book, published in 2000 by the Ministry of Science and Technology, in an effort to understand the actions of the State in the introduction of the country in the "Information Society". The study focuses on the initiatives for digital inclusion, both from governmental and non -governmental entities and its relation with the increase of the concept of citizenship. The research uses the documental method and the historic-critical approach to interpret the actions of public and private entities in creating public policy that defines Brazil's strategical objectives and the goals for information and communication technologies (ICT). / A pesquisa analisa o Livro Verde, publicado em 2000 pelo Ministério da Ciência e Tecnologia, buscando compreender as ações do Estado na introdução do país na sociedade da informação . O estudo enfoca as iniciativas de inclusão digital estatais e não-governamentais e sua relação com a ampliação da cidadania. A pesquisa faz uso do método documental e da abordagem histórico-crítica para interpretar a ação dos atores públicos e privados na formulação das políticas públicas que definem os objetivos estratégicos e as metas do Brasil para a área das tecnologias da informação e comunicação (TIC).

En septembre 1969, un coup d’État mené par Kadhafi et ses compagnons donnera lieu à un modèle de gouvernement fondé sur la notion de la Jamahiriya qui trouve ses références théoriques dans le contenu du Livre Vert de Kadhafi. L’avènement de la Jamahiriya, qualifié de « Révolution », prétend mettre en œuvre l’exercice du pouvoir directement par le peuple (jamahir), à travers des congrès et des comités populaires. De fait, la première question qui se pose à nous est de cerner le type d’État en vigueur en Libye. Soulever ce point, c’est aussi s’interroger sur la place occupée par les droits de l’homme dans l’architecture institutionnelle libyenne. Et sous cet angle, l’idée qui s’impose est que l’organisation les droits et libertés relèvent de documents successifs : Déclaration de 1969 ; Charte verte des droits de 1988, loi de consolidation des libertés de 1991. Aussitôt surgit la question de la valeur juridique de ces textes dans la hiérarchie des normes, étant entendu qu’il n’existe pas en Libye une constitution proprement dite. C’est là une problématique essentielle, puisque de cette qualification dépend le degré de garantie des droits et libertés. On mesure alors l’importance d’une étude des principaux traits de la législation libyenne. Reste à ajouter que la reconnaissance des droits théoriquement affirmés, est tributaire de l’ordre « révolutionnaire » qui impose l’obligation de respecter et de protéger la Jamahiriya. Aborder ce point, c’est montrer les entraves que peut constituer le régime politique quant à la protection des Droits ; c’est également s’interroger sur le rôle du juge en tant que gardien des libertés. L’analyse de cet aspect implique une approche de l’étendue et des limites du contrôle des actes de l’État, qu’il soit un contrôle administratif ou un contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois, sachant que la combinaison de ces deux techniques sert en principe à offrir aux citoyens une garantie et l’assurance d’exercer pleinement leurs droits et libertés. Or, là encore, les moyens juridictionnels conçus pour assurer la protection des droits fondamentaux risquent de se heurter à la nature du régime qui met en avant la protection de la « révolution » au dépend de toute autre liberté. C’est autrement soutenir que le système institutionnel dans son entier constitue une restriction à la protection des Droits. Évoquer cette réalité, c’est éclairer les entraves relevant de la pratique même du pouvoir. En définitive, la nature du régime et l’idéologie de la Jamahiriya conditionnent la forme d’expression des droits fondamentaux. C’est là tout l’enjeu du rapport entre pouvoir et libertés publiques que nous proposons d’étudier dans le cadre de ce travail. / In September 1969, a coup led by Gaddafi and his companions will result in a model of government based on the concept of the Republic which finds it’s theoretical references in the content of the Green Book of Gaddafi. The advent of the Republic, also called "Revolution", claimed to implement the exercise of power by the people (Jamahir) through congresses and people's committees. In fact, the first question that faces us is to identify the type of state force in Libya. Raising this point is also questioning the place of human rights in Libya's institutional architecture. And in this light, the idea must be that the organizations of human rights and freedoms are relieving from successive documents: Declaration of 1969; Green Charter of Human Rights of 1988, Freedoms Consolidation Act 1991. Soon after arose the question of the legal status of these texts in the hierarchy of norms, provided there is no constitution in Libya itself. This is a key issue, since from this qualification depend the degree of guarantee of rights and freedoms. The importance of a study of the main features of Libyan legislation is measured. It remains to add that the recognition of the rights affirmed in theory, depends on the order "revolutionary" which imposes the obligation to respect and protect the Republic. Address this point is to show the obstacles that may be the political regime on the protection of rights; it is also questioning the judge's role as a guardian of freedom. The analysis of this aspect involves an approach to the scope and limitations of the control of state action, whether administrative supervision or control of the constitutionality of laws, knowing that the combination of these two techniques are used in principle to provide citizens with a warranty and insurance to fully exercise their rights and freedoms. Yet again, the judicial remedies designed to ensure the protection of human rights are likely to face the kind of diet that emphasizes the protection of the "revolution" at the expense of all other freedoms. It is in another way to support that the institutional system as a whole constitutes a restriction on the Protection of the Rights. Discussing this reality is exposing the barriers within the same practice of power. Ultimately, the nature of the regime and the ideology of the Libyan determine the form of expression of fundamental rights. That's the whole point of the relationship between public power and freedoms that we propose to study in the context of this work.