This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah (Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.

Turkey-origin families in Denmark have long been suffering for their children’s future due to the challenges of criminal gangs and violent religious extremist organizations. Hizmet (The Service) movement which is a non-governmental civic movement offers a solution to the afore-mentioned problems of youths through education.  Hizmet movement is a voluntary, transnational, faith-inspired civil movement which was founded in Turkey 50 years ago by a Muslim scholar and preacher Fethullah Gülen and now is globally active.   The purpose of this thesis is to understand Hizmet movement educational philosophy and its role in the success and popularity of Hay school (Hayskolen) which is situated in the capital of Denmark, Copenhagen and known as a Hizmet-inspired school.   After having made a literature review about Hizmet educational philosophy, I tried to understand if this philosophy plays an important role in the success and popularity of Hay school by the data collected through institutional documents and semi-structured interviews.   The conclusion is that Hay school, have many similar aspects with other Hizmet-inspired schools and Hizmet education philosophy plays an important role in the success and popularity of Hay school. That is; The Hizmet-educational philosophy which is an important factor to ensure Hay school as a safe haven for pupils against criminality and radicalism contributes a lot to the success and popularity of the school.

In my dissertation I critically analyze and evaluate how the Turkish nation and culture is `performed' and `constructed' in two Turkish Festivals in Chicago: The Chicago Turkish Festival and The Chicago Turkish World Festival. I examine what this representation suggests about the complex national and cultural identity politics the Turkish Diaspora negotiate, with both their native and adoptive countries. My study draws on theories of nationalism and transnational nationalism, as well as critical cultural studies concepts including the `tourist gaze', (cultural) `spectacle', and `internal colonialism.' Because nationality festivals are public demonstrations involving a mass audience, my dissertation investigates how representations of Turkey (visual and verbal) are dependent upon the images and narratives popular among the American audience that are targeted. In an era of globalization, the cultural representation of Turkey in these two Turkish festivals in Chicago is used for political and commercial ends to: a) form good relations with the local U.S. state officials and to help lobby for the Turkish community in Chicago; and b) open up new means of income for local artists and entrepreneurs as well as transnational businesses that attend these festivals from Turkey and other countries. The Turkish American cultural organizations, The Turkish American Cultural Alliance (TACA) and the Turkish American Society of Chicago (TASC), that organizes these festivals, in many ways take part in nationalism from abroad (transnational nationalism) when they promote the official national discourses of the homeland and receive material and moral support from the Turkish Consulate of Chicago and the Tourism and Culture Ministry in Turkey. My dissertation demonstrates how Turkey's representation in these festivals by the two leading Turkish American organizations have become dependent on both European Orientalist discourses of the Ottoman Era that are internalized by the Turks today, as well as the very singular and monolithic nationalist discourses of the Turkey's founding fathers. I include a historical analysis of Chicago's Turkish community, including the way it was represented at Chicago's Columbian Exposition in 1893 (Chapter 2), an ethnographic analysis of the Turkish American organizations that have organized the Turkish festivals in Chicago (Chapter 3), and a critical analysis of activities and live performances that take place at both festivals (Chapter 4 & 5). My methods of study are field note observations, interviews conducted with the festival organizers and volunteers, and surveys conducted with festival participants. My research reveals that although the two Turkish American organizations, TACA and TASC, use similar national and cultural narratives, symbols, and representations, they differ in their choice of glorifying either Ottoman history or the history of the Turkish Republic, and on the degree to which Islam constitutes Turkish culture and national identity. This serves political ends as it reflects the ongoing political debates in Turkey over what social and cultural identities make up the Turkish nation.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the activity of the Gulen community in the Central Asian republics through different perspectives with a focus on the activities in the educational realm. My main concern in this thesis is to find out what role Islam and Turkishness plays in the educational activities of the Gulen community in the region. Throughout the thesis first I focus on Fethullah Gulen as the leader of the community followed by an analysis of the community in general &ndash / its origin, framework, goals and educational activity in various parts of the world. Then I examine the educational activity of the community in each of the Central Asian republics. And finally I explore various approaches regarding the community&rsquo / s goals in Central Asia with a focus on the role that Islam and Turkishness play in such activities.

In my research, I will attempt to examine the way in which Neoliberal Capitalist Globalization and economic conditions in the marketplace have shaped and continue to shape the assessment by Islamic groups of modernity, secularism and their place within it as a mutually constitutive process. I will conduct this analysis utilizing two country case studies: that of Turkey and Pakistan, each within the context of the theoretical frameworks of Karl Marx, Max Weber and Emile Durkheim and their study of the impact of religious ideas upon economic structures. In the last 30 years, from the start of market Neoliberalism, the political economy has shaped religious ideas in Muslim-populated regions as a result of privatization, deregulation of the market and urbanization. I found this process similar to that of the industrialization and emergence of modern capitalism in the beginning of 19th century Europe, which produced rapid urbanization. This, in turn, created a different lifestyle, family structure and (most importantly) produced a unique and secularized individual that was and is a product of modernity. The process can also be described as a departure from tradition and God. Economic transformations of this period restructured the concept of social and politics. The politics of God have been replaced by the politics of economy. On the other side, neoliberal economic policies have instigated a desecularization process within Muslim-populated countries. In Turkey, privatization and deregulation of the market have actually helped Muslims and Political Islam to move upward in the social stratification ladder and the result is the emergence of an Islamic-oriented middle class. The Gulen movement in Turkey is one of the best examples of this process. In Pakistan, the Jama’at-e-Islami has been a key player in the political and social sphere and has been supported by the middle class since the country was established in 1947. However, the polarization of Pakistani politics has weakened Jama’at at and has consequently led to the formation of even more religious groups and movements. Both countries have in common similar social, political and economic characteristics and the desecularization process is taking place rapidly. In my research, I will compare the Fethullah Gulen Movement and the Jama’at at in the context of the strengthening Neoliberalist economic process, and will look at how and why economic policies have created and led to a de-secularization of the social and political spheres, unlike the case of 19th century Europe. According to this research, desecularization in Muslim populated societies is a temporal process, which represents the larger social and political patterns of transformation that have been fueled by the market economy. Although we do witness an increasing trend of Islamization in Pakistan and Turkey, these movements will in time become weakened and absorbed by new market conditions. In the Turkish case, the Gulen Movement has already been integrated into the market economy and should be understood as a market oriented movement rather than an Islamic-based Nurcu movement. This is because in the Gulen Movement, establishing an Islamic order is not the primary objective, but the movement instead seeks political power as well as economic prosperity. I therefore describe the Gulen Movement as an 'Islamic movement without Islam.' On the other hand, The Jama’at at in Pakistan represents a persisting form of classical Islam, which conflicts with and directly opposes the market conditions. However, powerful economic forces have transformed the Jama’at-e-Islami of Pakistan from a classical form of Islam to a more reactionary form of Islam. I argue that both the Gulen Movement in Turkey and the Jama’at at in Pakistan will be domesticated by powerful market forces; however, this change will occur over the longer term. In this global era, there will continue to be less space for traditional community, and instead, market-based-individualism will play a dominant role in social relations. I contend that Islam will not be able to escape from this domestication process. / Ph. D.