Thesis (M. Ed.)--University of Hong Kong, 1983. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 173-175).

Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Hong Kong, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 131-139) Also available in print.

Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Hong Kong, 1983. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 173-175). Also available in print.

Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-02

<p> This thesis explores the role of town-and-gown violence as a constructive force during the rise of three universities in medieval France: the university in Paris in the thirteenth century and the universities in Orl&eacute;ans and Toulouse in the fourteenth century. These universities became established fixtures in the social and political spaces of their respective cities partly as a result of violence between scholars and townspeople and the protracted arbitration and litigation that succeeded a violent incident. More specifically, various instances of town-and-gown violence created the circumstances through which the scholars and the townspeople in each city could negotiate new terms of coexistence, often through royal and papal mediation. In Paris, Orl&eacute;ans, and Toulouse, the involvement of the French monarchy in these conflicts became one of the major points of contention. Violence and conflict served as mechanisms by which the scholars and the townspeople sought to debate the way royal power was weighted. In each city, violent encounters and subsequent resolutions of conflict allowed the scholars to establish themselves as members of an enduring structure, defining their roles within the social and political networks of the city.</p><p>

This dissertation explores the high water mark of southern resistance to the U.S. Supreme Court's 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education: the five-year abolition of public education in Prince Edward County, Virginia. Through interrogating the "culture of civility" that guided this bureaucratic, legalistic strategy of defiance, it argues that both massive resistance and the unique trajectory of events in Prince Edward County are not the anomalies in Virginia history that state boosters suggest, but rather logically consistent outgrowths of a coherent political tradition known as "the Virginia Way." When blacks chose to step outside of the traditional channels of "managed race relations," white Virginians struck back in a manner consistent with their determination to maintain white supremacy without condoning a rise in vigilantism that might have threatened elites' control over the mechanisms of political power. It highlights the important role played by the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) in bolstering community institutions, lobbying for federal intervention in the crisis, serving the educational and social needs of the out-of-school children, and building the capacity of local community members to take on leadership roles in the struggle. It characterizes the Friends' work as providing the institutional framework for indigenous protest. By following the trajectory of AFSC involvement in the county, it weaves together the diverse narratives of massive resistance, community organizing and school desegregation into one multi-faceted struggle to control the terms of the future. Ultimately, however, the study explores the long-range consequences of abandoning, starving, or compromising public education. In tracing the Prince Edward story up to the present, it reveals the flimsiness of the safeguards guaranteed to keep private education accessible, the difficulty of reconstructing a gutted public system, and the multi-generational psychological, social, and economic impact of educational deprivation. It demonstrates the centrality of equal educational opportunities to every phase of the local freedom struggle, challenging the assumption that the school desegregation phase of the civil rights movement passed into history after 1960 without sparking sustained community campaigns for change or significantly contributing to the development of local cultures of protest.

This study is a narrative history with a biographical focus that traces the evolution of the Shady Hill School from a neighborhood cooperative school to a thriving independent school with a national reputation for innovative curriculum, excellent classroom teaching, and a distinctive teacher training program. Three theses guide the narrative: (1) Katharine Taylor's leadership, her personal characteristics and her vision of school as a unified community of teachers and learners were primary forces in the transformation of the Shady Hill School. (2) Katharine Taylor's commitment to faculty development and her corresponding interest in teacher education programs were crucial factors in the evolution of the Shady Hill School; moreover, these commitments and interests were important factors in the development of Taylor's personal identity. (3) Katharine Taylor's personal values, motivations and professional concerns indicate the influence of her formative life experiences within the progressive social and educational reform networks in Chicago during the early years of the twentieth century. The study contributes to research in the field of American educational history with respect to the following issues: first, the study adds to the documentation of the diversity of educational experiments in the progressive era of American education; second, it illustrates how examining the social, political and philosophical influences upon individuals associated with the development of schools adds to our understanding of reactions to conventional pedagogy in the progressive era; third, the study calls attention to the relevance of Taylor's ideas, leadership style and innovate programs for educational policy and practice today. These issues are introduced in the first chapter of the study and they are developed in chapters two through four; then the major points of the study are reviewed in the last chapter for the purpose of recommending directions for further research based on the conclusions of this study.

Historical empathy is a topic that is decades old in history education research, but has been stunted in it’s implementation due to a lack of conceptual clarity, and a lag in balanced research grounding the term. Also, classroom practices and pedagogy have had some implementation missteps that have encouraged over identification and unrestrained emotional engagement between students of history and historical agents. These missteps run counter to the practice of quality, unbiased historical inquiry. The goal of this research study is to contribute to the field and knowledge in area of historical empathy, and to provide knowledge that help practitioners avoid such missteps. This study intends to help stabilize the term, and to investigate the dual-process (affective and cognitive) nature of historical empathy engagement. Through investigates the different conceptualizations and frameworks, especially in digging deeper into students’ affective process in historical empathy engagement, this study intends to balance the field’s understanding of the affective process in a dual-process model. The findings highlight the areas where current knowledge was echoed, where research may be misunderstood or fall short, and where further research and study is needed.

No description available.

Both France and the U.S. have witnessed extensive immigration in the twentieth century, and today, more than ever since World War II, the world's population is in dramatic flux. Currently almost fifty-four million people worldwide are identified by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) as displaced people. If and how France and the U.S. should accommodate displaced peoples has agitated political debate in France and the U.S. with conservatively aligned political parties in both countries rejecting calls to resettle displaced peoples in France and the U.S. At the center of this dissertation is the following research question: how are immigrants rhetorically constructed in high school French and U.S. history textbooks? Rhetoric is not just about persuading an audience; it is about using identifications that program the audience not to think, but to automatically believe that one thing is associated with another. In this dissertation I use Kenneth Burke’s rhetoric as identification to examine how immigrants are rhetorically constructed in four high school French history textbooks and two high school American history textbooks, all of which are widely distributed in their respective countries. I disarticulate rhetorical constructions of immigrants in these history textbooks by interrogating the interactions of their political, economic, social, and cultural structures. In Burke’s rhetoric as identification "social cohesion and control" are realized through apposition and opposition. In the following quotation Burke explains a salient element of his rhetoric as identification: “A is not identical with his colleague, B. But insofar as their interests are joined, A is identified with B. Or he may identify himself with B even when their interests are not joined, if he assumes that they are, or is persuaded to believe so.” Why are so many people in France and the U.S. persuaded that peoples displaced by war and poverty should be locked outside their borders? Through a Burkean analysis, I locate answers to this question in the historical master narrative evidenced in the high school French and U.S. history textbooks selected for this study--a narrative that rhetorically constructs skewed characterizations of immigrants.