This dissertation focuses on the experiences of Haitians living in France who are active in organizations seeking to benefit Haiti. Focusing on “hometown associations”—collectives formed by members of the diaspora who are generally from the same town, that engage in activities and projects for the benefit of their home country—my main question is how do a group of Haitians, committed to transnational engagement between France and Haiti, manage the challenges, pressures, and expectations in being a “diaspora” in light of the category’s increasing institutionalization? Previous research has examined the impact of hometown associations in nations such as Mexico, but I sought to understand their importance in the context of personal, national, and international agendas, agendas that often neutralize or undermine the purpose of hometown associations. Despite increasing attention by national and international policy makers citing diasporas as integral to the survival and growth of struggling nations, my research shows that there is little support given to such collectivities, especially in the case of the Haitian diaspora. I argue that diaspora as a category has become more institutionalized, and as a result is inhibiting progressive, grassroots change more that it empowers. My research hopes to highlight this trend so that policy makers and humanitarians can take a step back to better identify the future of diaspora as a geopolitical force for change in countries like Haiti, and gauge whether it can still function under the weight of its signification. / text

Contemporary population displacement trends are impacting cities located in developing countries in unprecedented ways. This scenario is reflected in the Mexican border town of Tijuana, which from May 2016 to January of 2017, experienced the massive arrival of Haitians seeking asylum in the United States. My thesis addresses the Haitians’ patterns of displacement and the actors involved in their migratory processes including governmental and non-governmental authorities in Mexico and the United States. Because of the complexity of displacement today, I argue that in order to comprehend patterns and responses to displacement, it is necessary to use a multi-scalar global perspective that addresses the relationship between time and space as well as the relationship between politics and power. Furthermore, I argue that the Haitians' arrival to the U.S.-Mexico border is an illustration of crisis migration, which views displacement as the result of a combination of social, political, economic, and environmental crises.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / This study examines the evolution of the kin-based organization of Haitian migration to the U.S. and Canada during the Duvalier era. Using a model applicable to all migration, the study looks at two ways in which a hierarchy of interactive macrosystems shaped Haitian migration by generating constraints on choice. First, over a period of 290 years, the emerging world system, the European and U.S. empires, the Haitian national political-economy, and local political-economies have shaped Haiti's domestic systems. In doing this, they shaped the behavior patterns and ideology of kin units which make life decisions, thereby affecting migration choices. Second, at particular times, certain macrosystems, especially at the empire level, have strongly structured particular migration patterns, determining not only their direction but also, largely, their social organization. Structural conditions shaping migration to the U.S. and Canada between 1957 and 1986 encouraged kin-based organization. The specific Haitian forms of family and network processes, discovered through fifteen years of network observation and two years of intensive field work, stem from the traditions of the lakou, the extended family residential compound, which developed during the nineteenth century and disappeared during the mid-twentieth, due to land pressures from partible inheritance, ecological degradation, and U.S. penetration of the Haitian economy. Lakou traditions of joint action and solidarity among consanguineally-linked households inform current patterns of intense cooperation in migration among the nuclear family, the household, and a subset of the extended family, including adult siblings, their parents, and children. Migration structured through this form of social organization has numerous feedback effects on local and national political-economic and social systems in Haiti, the U.S., and Canada. The study concludes that migration evolves over time from the interaction of a hierarchy of political-economic macrosystems with domestic systems. The social and cultural processes as well as the political-economic processes generate and shape migration patterns. \ / 2031-01-01

Haitians as an ethnic group face many problems while trying to acculturate in Boston. This pilot study was conducted in an attempt to identify the major source of their problems in achieving cultural integration. The data was analyzed via descriptive statistics: frequency distributions and cross-tabulations. The central problem identified was the lack of a transitional vehicle which would make easier the adaption from a monocultural to a bicultural society. Proposal for such a transitional vehicle was made, in addition to a set of guidelines. These were developed to facilitate the task of mental health caregivers dealing with Haitian clients.

C’est dans un contexte d’instabilité politique que François Duvalier assuma la présidence de la République d’Haïti en septembre 1957. Le nouveau chef d’État, qui finit par instaurer une dictature autoritaire (après 1964) et héréditaire (après 1971), s’empressa de justifier sa victoire aux urnes comme l’édifice d’une nouvelle Haïti régénérée par l’entremise de son leadership. Dans les faits, les presque trente ans de la gouvernance duvaliériste furent surtout ponctués par la violence étatique. Des nombreuses retombées de cette dictature, l’une d’entre elles fut bien la création de diverses communautés diasporiques haïtiennes à l’étranger, notamment à Montréal, au Québec, pendant la seconde tranche du XXe siècle. Malgré le constat souvent peu reluisant qui est fait de l’époque duvaliériste par de nombreux spécialistes, les Haïtiens, en Haïti comme à l’étranger, demeurent partagés quant à leur examen de cette gouvernance autoritaire. En nous penchant plus spécifiquement sur le cas des ressortissants haïtiano-québécois à Montréal, et en prenant pour intervalle d’analyse la période comprise entre 1964 et 2014, cette thèse a voulu s’interroger sur la mémoire collective du duvaliérisme tissée au sein de cette population. Aussi, en mettant en exergue l’analyse de documents manuscrits et l’enquête orale, notre recherche fait état de la manière dont, dans différentes conjonctures historiques entre le Québec et Haïti, cette population, marquée par son hétérogénéité, a articulé diverses visions de la dictature en Haïti. Ce travail s’inspire particulièrement du concept de « mémoire emblématique » développé par l’historien Steve Stern (2004) dans sa trilogie sur le Chili post-Pinochet afin de traiter de différents « camps » de mémoire. Notre propre thèse suggère que les discours et les mémoires du duvaliérisme façonnés au sein de cette communauté révèlent, dans un premier temps, que la pensée entourant le régime ne suivit pas une trajectoire linéaire et s’inscrivit plutôt dans un projet plus ample où diverses conceptualisations du pouvoir duvaliériste et sa place dans l’histoire d’Haïti furent remises en question. Dans un second temps, elle démontre que la manière de saisir le duvaliérisme connut une certaine évolution au fil du temps pour s’adapter aux nouvelles réalités politiques en Haïti et au Québec. Sur les traces de ces visions compliquées du duvaliérisme, cette thèse illustre surtout comment c’est souvent à la lumière de l’actualité politique mouvementée d’Haïti avec la fracture post-1986 que l’époque duvaliériste est interprétée. / Political instability in Haiti provided an important backdrop to the election of François Duvalier in September 1957. The new head of state, who soon established an authoritarian dictatorship (notably after 1964) and a hereditary regime (after 1971), justified both his victory and presidency trough a messianic message around the creation of a new Haiti. In the end, the duvalierist regime, stretching close to thirty years, was mostly a period marred by state-sponsored violence. Of the many repercussions of the dictatorship the creation of various Haitian diasporic communities, notably in Montreal, Quebec, during the second half of the 20th century remains one of the most notable. Despite the often critical tone employed by most specialists to make sense of the Duvalier period, Haitians, in Haiti and abroad, have remained divided in their assessment of the authoritarian regime. This doctoral thesis locates the emergence and creation of different collective memory scripts within diasporic communities by focusing on the particular case of the Haitian diaspora in Montreal between 1964 and 2014. By combining an analysis of “traditional” written documents and through the examination oral interviews, this research explores how, at different historical junctures between Quebec and Haiti, this population, marked by its heterogeneity, articulated different visions of the dictatorship in Haiti. This thesis was particularly inspired by the concept of “emblematic memory” advanced by the historian Steve Stern (2004) in his book trilogy which investigated different “memory camps” in post-Pinochet Chile. Our own research contends that the discourses and memories of Duvalierism that were forged within the Haitian diaspora in Quebec did not follow a linear trajectory and fell within a larger project where various conceptualizations of Duvalierist power and its place in Haiti’s national history were contested. It also shows that the very way in which many have understood duvalierism has evolved over time to adapt to new political realities in Haiti and in Quebec. Ultimately, it suggests that any reading of duvalierism, positive or negative, is always located within a broader appreciation (critic) of post-1986 Haiti.

The Canadian response following the Haitian earthquake of 2010 was not solely focused on providing humanitarian assistance. Canada also used several immigration measures both at the federal level and the provincial level in Quebec in order to facilitate the immigration of eligible Haitians to Canada and their subsequent reunification with their Canadian family members. This thesis explores these immigration measures and evaluates their effectiveness. In addition, the research examines the role that the large Haitian Diaspora in Canada played in bringing about the adoption of a set of immigration measures specifically for Haitians. The research shows that the Canadian measures implemented were both multi-dimensional – as a variety of immigration mechanisms were used, and multi-level – as the Canadian response included both federal and provincial initiatives in Quebec. While a number of measures were introduced federally, none of these measures could be considered “special” as they were all possible under Canada’s immigration legislation, and they were not unique to the post-earthquake context. In contrast, Quebec’s Humanitarian Sponsorship Program for Haitians was very “special” in that it was the first time such a program was implemented for a large group of people. The research also points to the fact that although using immigration mechanisms to respond to a humanitarian crisis has its benefits, these mechanisms are not designed to provide prompt protection and relief to individuals affected by crisis situations. The research also demonstrates that the use of the available complementary protection measures (humanitarian and compassionate considerations, moratorium and protected person status) did not make up the primary thrust of the Canadian immigration response to the earthquake in Haiti. This fact is indicative of the inadequacy of these measures in providing protection to individuals displaced by environmental factors. Finally, it is argued that although the existence of a large Haitian Diaspora was influential in creating a climate open to the adoption of special measures for Haitians, the Haitian Diaspora did not necessarily influence the specifics of the measures adopted to a significant degree.

The Canadian response following the Haitian earthquake of 2010 was not solely focused on providing humanitarian assistance. Canada also used several immigration measures both at the federal level and the provincial level in Quebec in order to facilitate the immigration of eligible Haitians to Canada and their subsequent reunification with their Canadian family members. This thesis explores these immigration measures and evaluates their effectiveness. In addition, the research examines the role that the large Haitian Diaspora in Canada played in bringing about the adoption of a set of immigration measures specifically for Haitians. The research shows that the Canadian measures implemented were both multi-dimensional – as a variety of immigration mechanisms were used, and multi-level – as the Canadian response included both federal and provincial initiatives in Quebec. While a number of measures were introduced federally, none of these measures could be considered “special” as they were all possible under Canada’s immigration legislation, and they were not unique to the post-earthquake context. In contrast, Quebec’s Humanitarian Sponsorship Program for Haitians was very “special” in that it was the first time such a program was implemented for a large group of people. The research also points to the fact that although using immigration mechanisms to respond to a humanitarian crisis has its benefits, these mechanisms are not designed to provide prompt protection and relief to individuals affected by crisis situations. The research also demonstrates that the use of the available complementary protection measures (humanitarian and compassionate considerations, moratorium and protected person status) did not make up the primary thrust of the Canadian immigration response to the earthquake in Haiti. This fact is indicative of the inadequacy of these measures in providing protection to individuals displaced by environmental factors. Finally, it is argued that although the existence of a large Haitian Diaspora was influential in creating a climate open to the adoption of special measures for Haitians, the Haitian Diaspora did not necessarily influence the specifics of the measures adopted to a significant degree.

The Canadian response following the Haitian earthquake of 2010 was not solely focused on providing humanitarian assistance. Canada also used several immigration measures both at the federal level and the provincial level in Quebec in order to facilitate the immigration of eligible Haitians to Canada and their subsequent reunification with their Canadian family members. This thesis explores these immigration measures and evaluates their effectiveness. In addition, the research examines the role that the large Haitian Diaspora in Canada played in bringing about the adoption of a set of immigration measures specifically for Haitians. The research shows that the Canadian measures implemented were both multi-dimensional – as a variety of immigration mechanisms were used, and multi-level – as the Canadian response included both federal and provincial initiatives in Quebec. While a number of measures were introduced federally, none of these measures could be considered “special” as they were all possible under Canada’s immigration legislation, and they were not unique to the post-earthquake context. In contrast, Quebec’s Humanitarian Sponsorship Program for Haitians was very “special” in that it was the first time such a program was implemented for a large group of people. The research also points to the fact that although using immigration mechanisms to respond to a humanitarian crisis has its benefits, these mechanisms are not designed to provide prompt protection and relief to individuals affected by crisis situations. The research also demonstrates that the use of the available complementary protection measures (humanitarian and compassionate considerations, moratorium and protected person status) did not make up the primary thrust of the Canadian immigration response to the earthquake in Haiti. This fact is indicative of the inadequacy of these measures in providing protection to individuals displaced by environmental factors. Finally, it is argued that although the existence of a large Haitian Diaspora was influential in creating a climate open to the adoption of special measures for Haitians, the Haitian Diaspora did not necessarily influence the specifics of the measures adopted to a significant degree.

The Canadian response following the Haitian earthquake of 2010 was not solely focused on providing humanitarian assistance. Canada also used several immigration measures both at the federal level and the provincial level in Quebec in order to facilitate the immigration of eligible Haitians to Canada and their subsequent reunification with their Canadian family members. This thesis explores these immigration measures and evaluates their effectiveness. In addition, the research examines the role that the large Haitian Diaspora in Canada played in bringing about the adoption of a set of immigration measures specifically for Haitians. The research shows that the Canadian measures implemented were both multi-dimensional – as a variety of immigration mechanisms were used, and multi-level – as the Canadian response included both federal and provincial initiatives in Quebec. While a number of measures were introduced federally, none of these measures could be considered “special” as they were all possible under Canada’s immigration legislation, and they were not unique to the post-earthquake context. In contrast, Quebec’s Humanitarian Sponsorship Program for Haitians was very “special” in that it was the first time such a program was implemented for a large group of people. The research also points to the fact that although using immigration mechanisms to respond to a humanitarian crisis has its benefits, these mechanisms are not designed to provide prompt protection and relief to individuals affected by crisis situations. The research also demonstrates that the use of the available complementary protection measures (humanitarian and compassionate considerations, moratorium and protected person status) did not make up the primary thrust of the Canadian immigration response to the earthquake in Haiti. This fact is indicative of the inadequacy of these measures in providing protection to individuals displaced by environmental factors. Finally, it is argued that although the existence of a large Haitian Diaspora was influential in creating a climate open to the adoption of special measures for Haitians, the Haitian Diaspora did not necessarily influence the specifics of the measures adopted to a significant degree.

À Montréal, les Haïtiens forment le troisième groupe ethnique en importance et offrent un exemple de peuple en diaspora. Étudier leurs mobilités et pratiques transnationales, ainsi que leurs incidences sur la redéfinition des concepts d’identité et de territoire, permet alors de comprendre les articulations entre le local et le transnational, dans le contexte de globalisation et de rétrécissement du monde permis par les nouvelles technologies. L’objectif de la recherche est de comprendre l’impact des pratiques transnationales et des médias dans la construction territoriale et l’ancrage des Haïtiens montréalais. Pour ce faire, 18 entrevues de type récit de vie ont été menées auprès d’un échantillon représentant les différentes vagues d’immigration haïtienne et des tables rondes ont été organisées. L’analyse des discours a permis de mettre en lumière les trajectoires, les lieux et types d’ancrages ainsi que le rôle des nouvelles technologies dans les liens translocaux de cette communauté. Les résultats, non généralisables, mettent de l’avant le rôle important des médias dans l’ancrage. Par exemple, l’ancrage des migrants de la première vague a été facilité par la création de radios haïtiennes, ces dernières ayant aidé à cimenter la communauté d’alors. Pour les deuxièmes générations, les nouveaux médias permettent de s’identifier à la diaspora et de s’ancrer en Haïti, avec des projets de développement, comme à Montréal, à travers l’expérience du cosmopolitisme. Finalement, l’analyse des récits de vie des nouveaux arrivants le confirme : les médias donnent la possibilité d’un ancrage inédit gardé à disposition avec les nouvelles technologies d’information et de communication. / Montreal’s Haitian community is the third ethnic group in terms of importance and offers an interesting example of diaspora. Studying their mobility practices and how these practices impact concepts such as identity and place allows us to understand their articulations on a local and transnational scale, in a context of globalisation and contraction of the world due to new technologies. Specifically, this study aims to understand how transnational practices and media impact territorial constructions and ancrage of Haitians in Montreal. For this purpose, 18 interviews and two round-table discussions were organized. A careful analysis of these illustrates the trajectories, places and types of ancrage and the role of new technologies in the translocal connections of this community. The results, which cannot be generalized, highlight the crucial role of media in the ancrage process. For example, the first wave’s migrant’s ancrage was facilitated by the creation of local Haitian radios, which have helped build the community. For the second generation’s interviewee, the new media allows the identification to the diaspora and the ancrage, in Haiti with development projects, as in Montreal, with the cosmopolitism experience. Finally, as the interview analysis of the newcomers shows: media gives the possibility of a novel ancrage type, kept at disposal by the new technologies.