This thesis unites law and social science so as to give a comprehensive account of the phenomenon of racial hate speech in South Africa as an obstacle to transformation. Hate speech is presented as a form of violent language and an affront to the constitutional rights of freedom of speech, equality and dignity. To establish the nature of hate speech, the fluid quality of language is explored so as to show how language can be manipulated, on the one hand, as a means to harm, and employed, on the other hand, as a tool to heal and reconcile. This double gesture is illustrated through the South African linguistic experience of past hate and segregation and the current transformation agenda. It is through this prism that hate speech regulation is discussed as an uneasy fit in a country where freedom of expression is constitutionally protected and where language plays an important role in bringing about reconciliation, and yet words are still being employed to divide and dehumanise. This reality necessitates a clearly articulated stance on the regulation of language. The thesis accordingly interrogates the current legal standards in relation to hate speech with reference to international law that binds South Africa and the constitutional standard set for the regulation of language and the prohibition of hate speech. Thereafter, the current and proposed legislative prohibitions on hate speech, the residual common law provisions governing expression and the regulation of language in the media are outlined and analysed. These legal frameworks are explored in terms of their content and their application in various fora so as to ascertain what the South African approach to hate speech prohibition is, whether it is consistent and, ultimately if it is indeed suitable to the South African experience and the realities of language. This thesis concludes that contemporary hate speech measures lack a coherent understanding of what hate speech entails and a general inconsistency in approach as well as application is found in the treatment of hate speech complaints in South Africa. This is explained through the fallibility of language as a medium to regulate expression and solutions are offered to not only taper current and proposed hate speech provisions but to also consider alternative forms of resolving hate speech complaints

Hate speech in South Africa creates a tension between the right to freedom of expression and the rights to human dignity and equality. The challenge is to achieve a balance between these competing rights in the context of the divisive past and the transformative constitutional ideal, in which reconciliation and respect for group difference are promoted. Freedom of expression, an individual right, must be construed in light of its underlying values, but regard must also be given to communitarian interests. The constitutional standard draws the initial line. The advocacy of hatred on four grounds and which constitutes incitement to cause harm is not constitutionally protected speech. Such speech undermines nation building, causes acrimony, and is not tolerated in the egalitarian society envisaged by the Constitution. The thesis formulates a principled legislative hate speech framework for South Africa at both human rights and criminal levels within the parameters of the constitutional mandate, as guided by the standard for hate speech restrictions in international law, and the Canadian regulatory model. An essential premise is that regulation requires a multi-faceted balancing enquiry. A holistic approach is proposed where factors such as respect for the dignity of the victims, autonomy for speakers, listeners and the wider community; the causal link between hate speech and hatred in a community; and the desire to achieve a diverse and harmonious society; amongst others, are considered. Failure to regulate hate speech constructively endorses hatemongers and promotes damaging speech at the expense of vulnerable groups. Regulation ensures that law sets the normative benchmark, affirms the protection of vulnerable groups within the social fabric and upholds social cohesion, inclusiveness and the equal citizenship of all individuals in society. The thesis contains a proposal for the enactment of legislation creating a self-standing hate speech crime for the advocacy of extreme hatred, shaped in accordance with international requirements and comparative foreign law, and structured in light of the distinction between hate crime and hate speech. The existing legal framework is unable to provide consistent and fitting redress for the severe harm caused by such speech, namely the fostering of an environment in which the stigmatisation of groups is promoted, their exclusion from society justified and intervention is needed to remedy the escalated levels of hatred and violence between different groups in society. PEPUDA, a remedial statute aimed at promoting transformation and substantive equality, is valuable, but its speech prohibitions are broad and imprecise. Consequently, their effectiveness is compromised and their constitutionality questioned. The thesis proposes recommendations for amendments to sections 7(a), 10(1) and 12 of PEPUDA. The aim is to ensure compliance with the international standard and to foster the optimal regulation of hate speech and other forms of damaging speech, including derogatory racial epithets, which undermine human dignity and equality and threaten national unity. It is intended for the two systems to complement one another and to create a legal framework aimed at addressing hate speech constructively and in context, promoting tolerance, respect for difference, reconciliation and transformation.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The following study examines whether there are contending interpretations of the rule of law present within the South African democracy. The study proposes that the rule of law forms part of the societal understanding of democracy and everyday life. Rule of law is defined in terms of mental models which influence how stakeholders conceive and define institutions. Rule of law is more than a mere institutional guarantee or set of rules — rule of law is understood as a component of a specific culture of understanding. It is shown that conceptions of rule of law have a long history in western society and have been influenced by both liberal and social ideals. Contemporary conceptions of the rule of law are tightly bound with specific notions of liberal democracy. It is hypothesised that there are distinctly identifiable opinions, beliefs and views of the rule of law present in South African democracy, and that these can be systematically described at the hand of a conceptual typology. The conceptual typology developed, identifies two contending interpretations of the rule of law, namely liberal and social rule of law. Liberal rule of law emphasises the status of the individual, moral plurality and the creation and maintenance of a rule-based society of the future. In contrast, social rule of law places emphasis on the status of the community, a single communally defined conception of the moral good and places greater emphasis on righting past injustices. Other publications that address the themes of democracy and the rule of law in South Africa are also examined in order to determine whether there is congruence between the conceptual typology developed in this study and other works. It is found that the conceptual typology is congruent with other works that depict the African National Congress’s conception of democracy, equality and liberty. These congruencies validate and strengthen the conceptual typology developed in this study. The conceptual typology is subsequently applied to a specific court case, the AfriForum v Malema hate speech case. The conceptual typology is found to be sufficiently accurate in analysing contending beliefs associated with the rule of law as expressed in this court case and identifies the African National Congress’s conception of the rule of law as falling under the social rule of law and AfriForum’s conception as aligning to the liberal rule of law. It is concluded that the conceptual typology can be empirically validated at the hand of the selected case. The conceptual typology is therefore validated with other works (conceptually) and with a specific case (empirically). It is concluded that the conceptual typology provides a clear, robust, concise and comprehensive analytical description of values and beliefs associated with the rule of law in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek of daar uiteenlopende en teenstrydige interpretasies oor die oppergesag van die reg teenwoordig is binne die Suid Afrikaanse demokrasie. Die studie stel voor dat die oppergesag van die reg deel uitmaak van die wyse waarop alledaagse samelewingsinteraskies, asook demokrasie, verstaan word. Die oppergesag van die reg word gedefinieer in terme van kognitiewe modelle, wat die belanghebbende partye se konsepsie van hierdie instelling beïnvloed. Die oppergesag van die reg word dus as element van spesifieke kulturele begrip vertolk en meer as institusionele element, wat die behoud van reëls waarborg, beskou. Dit word gewys dat konsepsies van die oppergesag van die reg lang geskiedenis in westerse samelewing het en dat dit deur liberale en sosiale ideale beïnvloed is. Kontemporêre konsepsies van die oppergesag van die reg het noue bande met die liberale demokrasie. Die hipotese is dat daar afsonderlik identifiseerbare opinies, oortuigings en sieninge van die oppergesag van die reg teenwoordig is in die Suid Afrikaanse demokrasie, en dat hierdie opinies sistematies aan die hand van konseptuele tipologie beskryf kan word. Die konseptuele tipologie wat ontwikkel word in hierdie studie identifiseer twee konsepsies van die oppergesag van die reg, naamlik die liberale- en die sosiale oppergesag van die reg. Liberale oppergesag van die reg plaas klem op die status van die individu, morele pluraliteit en die skep en handhawing van reëlsgebaseerde toekomsgerigte samelewing. Hierteenoor word die sosiale oppergesag van die reg gekontrasteer wat klem plaas op die status van gemeenskap of groep, enkele kommunale gedefinieerde konsepsie van die morele doelwit voortsit terwyl die klem geplaas word op die regstelling van ongeregtighede van die verlede. Ander publikasies wat die temas van demokrasie en oppergesag van die reg in Suid Afrika aanspreek, word ook bestudeer om sodoende ooreenkomste tussen die konseptuele tipologie wat hier ontwikkel word, en die bestaande literatuur vas te stel. Daar word gevind dat die konseptuele tipologie wel ooreenkomste met ander werke, wat die African National Congress se konsepsies van demokrasie, gelykheid en vryheid bestudeer, vind. Die ooreenkomste valideer en versterk die konseptuele tipologie. Die konseptuele tipologie word ook toegepas op spesifieke hofsaak, naamlik die AfriForum v Malema haatspraaksaak. Daar word gevind dat die konseptuele tipologie wel akkurate analise van teenstrydige opinies, wat geassosieer word met die oppergesag van die reg, moontlik maak. Die African National Congress se konsepsie word in die kategorie van die sosiale oppergesag van die reg geplaas terwyl AfriForum se siening in die kategorie van die liberale oppergesag van die reg geplaas word. Dit word bevind dat die konseptuele tipologie voldoen aan empiriese validasie aan die hand van geselekteerde saak. Die konseptuele tipologie word daarvolgens gevalideer met ander werke (konseptueel), asook met spesifieke gevallestudie (empiries). Daar word tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die konseptuele tipologie duidelike, robuuste, bondige en omvattende analitiese beskrywing van die waardes en oortuigings, wat geassosieer word met die oppergesag van reg in Suid Afrika, beskryf.

The present study explored factors affecting vulnerability to depression among gay men and lesbian women in metropolitan Gauteng, South Africa. Risk factors consistently cited in the literature on depression among gay men and lesbian women, namely self-esteem, social integration, hate speech, physical victimisation, fear of victimisation and alcohol and drug abuse, were examined to determine their ability to predict vulnerability to depression. Data was collected from 385 participants who self-identified as lesbian or gay, using a purposive quota sampling technique to ensure representation across age, gender, race and socio-economic status lines. Participants were selected through gay and lesbian organisations, support groups, counselling centres, the gay and lesbian Pride Parade, an online questionnaire, and via snowballing techniques. Multiple regression analysis indicated that self-esteem and hate speech were the only significant predictors of vulnerability to depression. The regression model accounted for 21.7% of the variance in vulnerability to depression scores. / Psychology / M. Sc. (Psychology)

This study investigates the interaction between freedom and limitation as applied to political expression and hate speech. The need for the limitation of hate speech, with its inherent risk of escalation into other serious crimes such as genocide, is established. The view of the South African courts is identified as pro-limitation but generally respectful of the right to freedom of expression. A lacuna in current constitutional law, common law and legislative remedies is evident and the various ways in which limitation can be effected are explored; the researcher finds for criminalisation as an effective measure to address this lacuna in hate speech regulation. The importance of complying with the international call for the criminalisation of hate speech is analysed. Insight is gained regarding what would be an effective model for criminalisation. Here lessons are taken from foreign comparatives that have successfully criminalised hate speech in the context of their cultural identity, history and social needs. Ultimately, a framework for effective hate speech criminalisation in South Africa is formulated. / Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law / LL.M

This study was conducted to identify and analyse Mail and Guardian Online moderation outputs which contradicted the platform‟s own stated policy on hate speech and other forms of problematic speech. The moderation outputs considered were a battery of readers‟ comments that were posted in response to Thought Leader blogs on xenophobia published between May and June, 2008. This was the same period a series of xenophobic attacks was taking place in some parts of South Africa, leaving an estimated 62 people dead, more than 30,000 displaced, and countless victims injured and robbed of their property. The attacks were a catalytic moment that enabled a whole range of discursive positions to be articulated, defended, contested and given form in the media. They also made visible the potential tensions between free speech on the one hand, and hate and other problematic speech on the other. Using qualitative methods of thematic content analysis, document review, individual interviews, and an eclectic approach of framing analysis and rhetorical argumentation, this study found instances of divergence between the M&G policy and practice on User Generated Content. It found that some moderator-approved content advocated hate, hatred, hostility, incitement to violence and/or harm, and unfair discrimination against foreign residents, contrary to the M&G policy which is informed by the constitutional provisions in both section 16 of the Bill of Rights and section 10 of the Equality Act. Based on examples in the readers‟ comments of how „the foreigner‟ was made to signify unemployment, poverty, disease, unfair competition, and all manner of deprivation, and bearing in mind how such individuals have also become a site for the violent convergence of different unresolved tensions in the country, the study‟s findings argue that the M&G – a progressive paper dealing with a potentially xenophobic readership (at least a portion of it) – should have implemented its policy on acceptable speech more effectively. The study also argues that the unjustifiable reference to foreigners as makwerekwere, illegals, illegal aliens, parasites, invaders and border jumpers, among other terms, assigned them a diminished place – that of unwanted foreigner – thereby reproducing the order of discourse that utilises nationality as a space for the expurgation of the „other‟. The study argues that the use of bogus (inflated) immigration statistics and repeated reference to the foreigners‟ supposedly parasitic relationship to the country‟s resources also unfairly constructed them as the „threatening other‟ and potentially justified action against them.

The present study explored factors affecting vulnerability to depression among gay men and lesbian women in metropolitan Gauteng, South Africa. Risk factors consistently cited in the literature on depression among gay men and lesbian women, namely self-esteem, social integration, hate speech, physical victimisation, fear of victimisation and alcohol and drug abuse, were examined to determine their ability to predict vulnerability to depression. Data was collected from 385 participants who self-identified as lesbian or gay, using a purposive quota sampling technique to ensure representation across age, gender, race and socio-economic status lines. Participants were selected through gay and lesbian organisations, support groups, counselling centres, the gay and lesbian Pride Parade, an online questionnaire, and via snowballing techniques. Multiple regression analysis indicated that self-esteem and hate speech were the only significant predictors of vulnerability to depression. The regression model accounted for 21.7% of the variance in vulnerability to depression scores. / Psychology / M. Sc. (Psychology)

This study investigates the interaction between freedom and limitation as applied to political expression and hate speech. The need for the limitation of hate speech, with its inherent risk of escalation into other serious crimes such as genocide, is established. The view of the South African courts is identified as pro-limitation but generally respectful of the right to freedom of expression. A lacuna in current constitutional law, common law and legislative remedies is evident and the various ways in which limitation can be effected are explored; the researcher finds for criminalisation as an effective measure to address this lacuna in hate speech regulation. The importance of complying with the international call for the criminalisation of hate speech is analysed. Insight is gained regarding what would be an effective model for criminalisation. Here lessons are taken from foreign comparatives that have successfully criminalised hate speech in the context of their cultural identity, history and social needs. Ultimately, a framework for effective hate speech criminalisation in South Africa is formulated. / Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law / LL.M