Repeated inquiries and statements are made about the number of American Indian students who drop out or are pushed out of school. The Waxes noted that while drop-out rates are difficult to calculate because of a shifting population and absence of centralized, accurate records, current figures indicate that about one-half of those who enter the primary grades drop out before entering high school. Furthermore, only about a third of those entering school actually graduate. A study of Pima and Papago schools revealed much the same trends. Seven percent of the children ages six to eighteen are not enrolled in any school. The researchers estimated a drop-out rate of twenty percent for the teenage group. This was compared to a three and one-half percent drop-out rate for high schools in the surrounding areas. It was also noted that those Indian children who were in school were very likely to be behind their grade placement. The primary purpose of this study is to examine the Chemawa Indian School drop-out rate.

This study is participant observational research focused on the culture of one successful alternative education program. The survey of the literature showed that the problem of high school dropouts is one of numbers and persistence over time. Most research in the past attempted to list characteristics of high school dropouts or elements of successful alternative education programs. Researchers such as Wehlage (1986) and Catterall (1987) have begun to look at a different approach. Their work looks at schools as systems and suggests that educators should direct their attention to the interaction of the school environment with the characteristics of the students. This view fits into a body of work that looks at schools and classrooms as microcultures. The work presented here looks at an alternative education program as a microculture and asks "What appears to be the distinguishing microculture created by the participants of Tri City Alternative Program?" The researcher collected data from interviews, observations, student projects and work, staff meetings, and program materials and records. The data were analyzed and organized to find patterns of behavior and interactions and to determine the meaning the participants attached to their interactions. The elements that distinguish the microculture of the alternative education program were divided into the features of the context and the features of the interactions. The elements of the context were described by the physical setting, the daily instructional schedule, and the non-instructional daily schedule. The elements of the interaction were described by clearly stated expectations, staff and student attention to culture, sense of caring and defining competence, and sense of humor. The researcher concludes by proposing three future areas of work. One is to develop a model of synchronization between the context and interactions of educational programs. The second is to complete additional cultural studies of high school dropouts. The last recommendation is to train teachers and students to use participant observational techniques in their classrooms to build their understanding of their own microcultures.

This study helps to answer the broader question of why Latino students across the U.S. persistently drop out of school at the highest rates compared to students of other racial groups by focusing on the institutional workings of the various levels of the Oregon school system. Latino students have the highest drop out rates in Oregon. The higher drop out rates for Latino students in Oregon reflect the national trend, though the latest national rates report considerably higher drop out rates for Latino students compared to Oregon's drop out rates. Quantitative research verifies that race is a critical factor affecting national high school completion rates for Latino youth. The purpose of this study is to reveal the major, persistent problems within a school system that hinder learning for Latino students who are primarily English Language learners. Toward this purpose, this study examines significant state and federal education laws, examines rhetoric related to education equality and interviews educators at various levels of the Oregon education system. The research reveals three primary reasons for the failure of Oregon schools to graduate Latino students. First, these primarily Spanish-speaking students are not provided the type of quality bilingual intercultural education required to promote learning. Second, Latino students experience a discriminatory school environment. Third, available funding is not being used to help English language learners to succeed in learning the English language nor academic material. The research outcome is relevant because what was found in Oregon reflects patterns of educational practice and policy and laws that have been reported in other states, supporting the idea that educational racism is institutional at all levels of the education system. The research also reveals specific tactics used to repress the advancement of Latino students and finds that public rhetoric supporting education equality among the races does not reflect practice and procedures at all levels of the public school institution that determine outcomes for Latino students in their individual schools. Despite rhetoric to the contrary, educators are deciding not to make the necessary changes to improve education for Latinos. It is apparent that persistent inequality is the result of colonialist attitudes and policies that continue to restrict learning for the majority of the Latino population, limiting their opportunities for advancement beyond the poverty characteristic of their low wage working class status in the U.S. / Graduation date: 2004

This study examined the effect of a staff-mentoring program with students identified as at-risk of becoming early leavers. This mentoring program, Caring About Kids Effectively (CAKE), was implemented at a suburban secondary school in Oregon serving grades 9 through 12. The study of the CAKE program had four research components: (a) indicators of school success (GPA, attendance, and attitudes toward school) were compared between at-risk students and those not at-risk; (b) indicators of school success were analyzed over the time at-risk students were mentored to find any significant change; (c) indicators of school success and enrollment status at graduation was compared between students at-risk, with and without mentors; and (d) participants' perceptions of the mentoring program, using a researcher-constructed questionnaire given to mentees and mentors to determine activities that were successful and those which needed reevaluation. Using analysis of covariance, the findings showed: (a) a significant difference (p < .05) in attitudes, GPA, and attendance at the beginning of the study between two groups of students identified as at-risk and not at-risk; (b) a significant difference (p< .05) in attitude toward school at the end of Year 1 between those students at-risk with mentors scoring higher than at-risk without mentors and not at-risk students; (c) GPA and attendance declined for at-risk students, with or without mentors, although at-risk students with a mentor seemed to lessen the decline; and (d) no significant differences (E< .05) in GPA and attendance between at-risk with or without mentors, although more at-risk students with mentors continued in school or received GEDs after four years. Finally, students and staff agreed (75%) that they were “satisfied” that the mentor program helped at-risk students develop positive attitudes toward school; however, only half were satisfied concerning their participation, and felt that administrative support and time available to meet with students were crucial to the success of a mentor program. Based upon these findings, it was concluded that the CAKE staff-mentoring program had a positive influence on attitude toward school and retention of at-risk students.