This paper explores the use of music as a political tool. It argues that the State Band of Oaxaca, a government organization for 140 years, is part of the state's repertoire of political cultural practices employed to bring unity to one of the world's most diverse regions. Oaxaca is an accidental state: a multiplicity of geographic regions, cultures, and ethnicities, cobbled together in the form of a modern state. Music was a political tool of the actors who met at the Spanish invasion of Mesoamerica, and functioned for political, religious, and diversionary purposes. The meeting of the two distinct peoples resulted not only in a 'hybrid' race, but also in cultural hybridity that spawned new musical practices, but the functions of music remained constant. The modern state of Oaxaca has wielded the musical tool for the same reasons as its antecessors in an attempt to unify the region politically and socially. The State Band was once a military organization, but is now a civil service organization. It once performed 'sacred' functions for the Catholic Church, but now is part of an ostensibly secular state. However, the Band continues to play at Patron Saint Festivals, and provides the accompaniment to the state's civil religion. Finally, the Band performs for the simple enjoyment of its citizens and visitors. The trajectory of the Band provides a mirror through which modern Mexico's history may be traced as it has passed from colony to nation, from religious to secular, and from militaristic to civilian The author hopes that understanding the underlying assumptions and theoretical constructs through the use of music as a political tool will not only inform other historians and researchers, but also assist in the understanding of the intricate relationship between the state of Oaxaca, its citizens, and its musical production. However, given the vast socio-economic inequality and political rigidity that exist in the state today, the effectiveness of music as a political tool is difficult to gauge. Furthermore, because of the emotional reaction that music elicits, it is unclear if the state can control the response that music elicits in its citizens / acase@tulane.edu

The great eighteenth-century intellectual movement known as the Enlightenment profoundly altered Western thought as it emerged from its European origins and spread to encompass eventually the entire Western World. The movement varied considerably in both form and focus, but everywhere it signaled changes in traditional ideas, attitudes and relationships. In Spain and its colonial posses- sions, the Enlightenment was characterized by an eclecticism mani- fested in the search for new knowledge that was considered useful and by the attempt to exclude that which might contribute to politi- cal and religious heterodoxy. But Spain could not hope to withstand indefinitely the avalanche of ideas. Eventually its authority was challenged in the colonies, and the dismemberment of a once vast and powerful Empire resulted. In the colony of New Spain, the career of the savant Jose Antonio Alzate y Ram(')irez mirrors the manner in which colonial minds were awakened and stimulated by new thought. Scientist and publicist, Alzate's legacy comprises a series of journals published during the period 1768-1795 and a private correspond- ence closely related to the interests and concepts expressed in his public writings. He was typical of the enlightened men of the era in his antipathy for the old, the outmoded and in his admiration of the new, the innovative. Yet, his concerns were peculiarly Mexican as he sought to change his society by ridding it of an obscurantism embodied in perapatetic scholasticism and substituting reason, experimentation and observation as the true means of learning. He searched for ways to defend his native land from attacks by the European degeneracy theorists and others, and in doing so con- tributed to the growth of creole self-confidence and pride of origin, necessary ingredients to nationalistic sentiment. Through his works he offers insights to the modernization and maturation processes that altered colonial perceptions and from which the intellectual framework for independence ultimately derived / acase@tulane.edu

This dissertation is a study of Panamanian nationalism from 1903--31. The dissertation notes that Panamanians had long been pressing for their own country before the U.S. intervention in 1903. In reaction to Colombian neglect, the white mercantile elite of the nineteenth century had attempted to 'civilize' the Isthmus by connecting itself to an outside power. The oligarchy had hoped to build an interoceanic route and assure its social position in an Afro-mestizo society. The Panamanian nationalists thus favored the U.S. intervention although their situation remained unstable during the following years After the separation from Colombia, the Panamanian elites faced a number of problems that put into question their dominance of the country. With the construction of the canal, investment poured into Panama, and foreigners appropriated major economic sectors. Latin Americans portrayed the Isthmus as a U.S. colony while thousands of West Indians immigrated to work on the canal. Meanwhile the popular classes began to organize and enter political life. The oligarchy was losing control over society while imperialism proved equally troublesome to the new middle class. This group was itself the product of modernization and had often studied abroad or at the new Instituto Nacional. Eager to take up leadership, they were blocked by the North American advisors who tended to dominate the government In response, middle and upper class intellectuals reformulated Panamanian nationalism to protect their interests and threatened stature. On the one hand, they renewed efforts to 'civilize' the Isthmus as their education and the country's traditions dictated the continuation of these themes. However, new ideas emerged at the same time. Writers and artists now gave importance to Hispanidad, to legitimize the republic in eyes of its Latin American neighbors and to force the immigrant populations to accept traditional leadership. The Panamanians did not resort to the tactic of populism, because the masses were increasingly foreigners and were jeopardizing their social status. Instead intellectuals and political leaders protected their position by ignoring the ethnic complexity of Panamanian society. Panamanian nationalism became an exclusionary nationalism and would reach a highpoint during the presidency of Arnulfo Arias Madrid (1939--41) / acase@tulane.edu

El presente trabajo intenta hacer historia de la Ciudad de Guatemala en el periodo comprendido entre los anos 1776-1954. Este trabajo esta dividido en seis capitulos y trata de probar que los factores economicos, politicos y sociales han influido de manera determinante en el desarrollo historico de la Ciudad de Guatemala. El primer capitulo, comprende los anos de 1776 a 1821, describe las condiciones sociales que rodearon el traslado de la capital guatemalteca de Antigua Guatemala a su actual localizacion en el Valle de la Ermita en 1776 luego de los terremotos de 1773. En el mismo se describen las circunstancias economicas, politicas y sociales que lo rodearon y sus consecuencias. En el segundo capitulo se estudia la ciudad durante los anos 1821 a 1871. En este se describen los servicios con los que contaba la ciudad y se evaluan los cambios que sufrio durante los primeros anos de vida independiente. El tercer capitulo reconstruye la vida de la ciudad durante los anos 1871 a 1920. En el mismo se detallan los factores esenciales que cambiaron la vida de la ciudad durante aquel periodo. Este concluye con los terremotos de 1917-18 que marcaron un momento clave en el desenvolvimiento de la ciudad. El cuarto capitulo describe los esfuerzos del gobierno en la reconstruccion de la ciudad de 1917 a 1930. Ademas, se estudian las condiciones de vida a que se vieron sujetos los pobladores luego del siniestro. El quinto capitulo describe y analiza el papel del Estado en la reconstruccion final de la ciudad durante los anos treinta del siglo XX. Estudia los factores fundamentales y las fuerzas sociales que movieron el proceso de reconstruccion final de la ciudad. El sexto capitulo recupera la vida de la ciudad durante los anos 1944 a 1954. En este se evalua la actividad de los gobiernos de la Revolucion de Octubre en cuanto al mejoramiento de las condiciones de vida de los habitantes de la ciudad. Finalmente, se aportan las conclusiones del autor / acase@tulane.edu

This dissertation studies the Consulado de Comercio of Lima during the establishment of Peruvian independence. It demonstrates that the power of the Lima consulado reached a peak in 1821 and that this accumulation of power corresponded to the continuing need of the viceroyalty for financial support from 1776 down to 1821. The power of this institution was broken in February of 1821 and the institution never regained its former status. The particular reason for the increase in power during the independence period, that is from 1809 to 1821, was because of the close cooperation between the consulado and the viceroy between 1808 and 1816 and because, for the four years from 1817 to 1821, the consulado by itself was the last support and the greatest stanchion for imperial government as it had emanated from Lima since 1550. The Crown and viceroy had in fact become dependent on the consulado against all other corporations of the realm. The consulado repeatedly faced down the other institutions and raised new money for the King in 1817, 1818, in 1819 and in 1820, until finally in February of 1821, the institution could no longer raise funds and was therefore reduced to futile railing against the coming of independence and the onset of free trade Following 1821, the consulado's fear of free trade and independence proved to be well founded. In the four years from 1821 to 1826, the consulado first saw its influence weakened by the paper money question. Then congress changed the institution's name in 1822. In 1823, its control of foreign commerce was usurped by the British merchants in the trade. Then Bolivar's government abolished the institution for eight months of 1824, reinstated it until May of 1825, stripped of its power for June and July and then brought it to full reinstitution by the end of 1825. And by the end of the year, it had a less than 8000 peso income and a more than 7,000,000 peso debt. Indeed, independence and free trade had brought the institution to its knees by the end of 1825 This work is primarily based on manuscripts located in the Archivo Historico del Ministerio de Hacienda y Comercio division of the Archivo General de la Nacion (Lima), the Biblioteca del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores in the Palacio Torre Tagle (Lima), the manuscripts division of the Biblioteca Nacional de Lima, and on notes and documents in the Robert Smith Collection at Duke University and Tulane University. The most important published sources were the Almanaque Peruano y Guia de Forasteros for the years 1817-1821 and contemporary newspapers / acase@tulane.edu

This study investigates reform policies in Costa Rica during the period 1940-1958. Since its independence in 1821, Costa Rica has had a liberal and capitalist political and economic system in which a ruling elite of coffee planters held power and made the decisions. Before 1940 there were few / acase@tulane.edu

This dissertation explores the cooperation and conflict between Cuban merchants and planters belonging to the Havana consulado, 1794-1832. Historically, certain Spanish and Spanish American consulados were key administrative and control institutions in the operation of Spain's monopolistic trading system. Groups of merchants involved in the colonial trade frequently organized and requested the Spanish crown to authorize a merchant guild for their particular city. Each sixteenth- and seventeenth-century consulado consisted of a tribunal to expedite the handling of mercantile cases and the group of organized merchants per se. Late eighteenth-century consulados added to this basic organization one important innovation: a special junta or committee to promote economic growth. Enlightened Bourbon monarchs and their chief ministers desired improvement in all three sectors--commerce, agriculture and small-scale industry--of the domestic and overseas economies which they increasingly viewed as one. Agriculture, especially the cultivation of sugar cane, received heavy emphasis in Cuba. Consequently, the newly established (April 1794) Havana consulado, unlike comparable institutions in Guatemala City, Buenos Aires, Veracruz, Cartagena, Guadalajara, and Santiago de Chile, contained an active if not dominant planter membership Havana-area planters clashed with the merchants when organizing the consulado, tailoring the Junta economica y de gobierno (Economic and Governing Committee) to insure planter domination, expanding the tribunal's jurisdiction to cover suits arising from merchant-planter commercial transactions and when seeking to capitalize on the greatly expanded trade opportunities created by the wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon. They cooperated with the merchants in protecting the mercantile fuero (legal privilege) against encroachment by other privileged corporations, in satisfying the consulado's financial obligations, in administering a detailed procedure for the recovery of cimarrones (fugitive slaves) and in constructing or repairing a transportation network primarily centered in the Havana region. Overall, the major planter objectives was to utilize the consulado and especially its Junta to promote Cuba's sugar revolution of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries / acase@tulane.edu

Innumerable writers have dedicated themselves to the writings of the Mexican Jesuit explusos of 1767. Among the most frequently commented upon writers have been Francisco Javier Alegree, Andres Cavo, Francisco Javier Clavigero, Rafael Land(')ivar, and Pedro Jose Marquez. However, despite the immense bibliography concerning these authors, the picture remains far from complete. For example, most people consider Alegre important first for his contribution in history and then in literature. Yet, it was his theological work that occupied most of his time in exile. Marquez is most widely known for his contributions on El Taj(')in and Xochicalco. However, his innumerable other studies remain unknown. If the total output of these writers has not been properly examined in the past, writings of other Mexican Jesuit expulsos also exist that are completely unknown to Latin American scholars in general. The great polemical theologian Manuel Iturriaga, the philosopher Andres Guevara y Basoazabal, the poet Agust(')in Castro and the biographer Juan Luis Maneiro remain basically unknown. Scholars have also been slow to recognize the monumental studies undertaken by some authors. For example, Diego Abad, Guevara y Basoazabal and Agust(')in Castro have all been the subject of extensive, but little known, monographs. Still, the authorship of some works by expulsos remains in question. Finally, many writers, overshadowed by the attention given the 'great humanists,' deserve to be known and are not Given the state of research on this topic, as described above, this study proposes to identify (as best possible) the authors and their respective writings. In order to best do so, all of the known documentary and bibliographic sources are to be employed. This study does not intend to analyze the writings. As a collection of writings that span a diverse number of areas, no one investigator can properly analyze the content of all. Indeed, a team of investigators would be required for an undertaking of such magnitude The present work must be viewed rather as a far more basic study, upon which others can draw This particular study, through examination of these writers, demonstrates the need for re-evaluation of the attention given the Mexican Jesuit expulsos of 1767 as possible sources of incipient nationalism. It points to the need to study the 'less' brilliant writings of this group to better understand the then current Mexican intellectual climate. The need to examine therse writers in view of their European contemporaries is also apparent. Only when such studies are undertaken by specialists in the concern areas of investigation will a proper understanding of these writers develop. For the present, however, the assignment has been to determine who were the writers and what did they write / acase@tulane.edu

This dissertation examines relations between Nahuatl-speaking peoples, or Nahuas (Aztecs), and Spaniards in the populous and prosperous ethnic state of Xochimilco, New Spain. Historians of indigenous societies typically characterize colonial-era changes as having occurred first and most extensively in core areas of central Mexico where most Spaniards settled. The case of Xochimilco, however, offers an intriguingly different scenario. It demonstrates that the area's lakeside situation, within which the Nahuas fashioned a distinctive economy, acted as a buffer against Spanish intrusion, particularly in the ownership of land. Thus the area's abundant aquatic garden agriculture, its canoe-borne transportation, and its vibrant crafts and commercial traditions continued to flourish for generations after the Spanish conquest even as they underwent change through incorporation into the colonial economy Ongoing economic viability held profound implications for cross-cultural relations. The comparative absence of Spanish settlers magnified the importance of Spanish institutions and authorities in bringing changes to Xochimilco. It also heightened internal divisions and tensions within the Nahua community, particularly in terms of hierarchy and status as well as the control of resources, including the municipal government's supervision of tribute and labor. Yet the Nahuas were well placed to maintain community integrity and to contend with changing configurations of race and ethnicity as outsiders gradually made the city their home. As such, the dissertation offers new perspectives into the making of a mixed, colonial society in which Nahuas not only played a vital part but also successfully preserved many aspects of their corporate organization and cultural heritage / acase@tulane.edu

This study is an attempt to show how the colonial order functioned within Costa Rica, especially at the elite level, and to describe the type of society which evolved on the periphery of the Spanish empire. This investigation endeavors to provide an over-reaching socio-economic study of the colonial period between 1561 and 1800 Costa Rica enjoyed a unique development during the colonial era. Its geographic location facilitated trade on both oceans. The late date of conquest brought the presence of a number of American-born conquerors. The demographic disaster struck the native population years prior to the conquest. Costa Rica's initial economic development became inextricably linked and dependent upon Panama, the locus of imperial trade. The Amerindians of Costa Rica developed two zones of refuge to escape from Spanish rule. The cacao industry became the first to adjust to the reality of contraband trade. Despite several attempts, the failure to find an adequate engine of economic growth, made colonial Costa Rica an impoverished society barely above barter level, where survival not wealth was the issue Despite its poverty, marked socio-economic divisions existed within this colony, as in the rest of the Spanish Empire. The province was dominated by a small group of intricately inter-related clans who were forced to monopolize almost all lucrative economic activities in order to survive. The land tenure pattern that evolved in the colonial period is much more complex than the simple elite-peasant dichotomy so often described. Costa Ricans were often forced to concentrate their resources into dowries to attract suitable bridegrooms for daughters. Costa Rica experienced the same race mixture that occurred in other Spanish colonies, but the use of a racial lexicon camouflaged this fact This study principally relied upon notarial records and estate inventories found in probate records. Also of use were judicial records, city council records, treasury logs, published documentary collections, genealogical studies and a myriad of secondary sources related to Costa Rica and other peripheral regions of the Iberian Empires / acase@tulane.edu