The vast majority of scholarship dealing with the reign of Constantine has been concerned with the rise of Christianity in the empire and Constantine's personal commitment to the faith. The difficulties inherent in the contemporary written sources have produced a scholarship plagued by the criticism of the reliability of the church fathers as historians. The close association between the emperor and such writers as Eusebius and Lactantius has led many scholars to denounce their histories as works of Christian and imperial propaganda and unreliable for the hard facts of Constantine's reign. / The problem associated with this argument is that it is too narrowly focused and passes over the obvious fact that a ruler's propaganda can be an excellent index to his policies at a given time. In addition, an analysis of the written sources in isolation ignores the fact that they were only a small part of Constantine's overall propaganda effort. Of greater importance were the examples of sculpture, coinage and architecture that influenced the public every day and did much to fashion the desired image of the emperor. / This dissertation is concerned with examining Constantine's image as it evolved in imperial art during the thirty-one years of his reign. When appropriate, references to the written sources have been made to point out similarities and differences. The dissertation is divided into four chapters. The first introduces the use of imperial art as propaganda in the empire prior to the reign of Constantine. The second chapter presents the emerging Constantinian style prior to the Battle of Milvian Bridge in 313. The third chapter analyzes the mature imperial style of Constantine after his accession to the office of Augustus in the Western half of the empire. The fourth chapter concentrates on Constantine's imperial Christian art and the implications it had for imperial policy in the last decade of his rule. Special emphasis in this chapter will be given to the synthesis of imperial and Christian art that occurred in the empire after the founding of Constantinople. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 44-09, Section: A, page: 2851. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1983.

An investigation of two English-born medieval archbishops of Dublin and their role in introducing Anglo-Norman secular and ecclesiastical institutions into Ireland after the initial subduing of Ireland under King Henry II of England is the aim of this dissertation. The development of the Anglo-Irish government into an appendage of the royal administration is examined by the use of numerous ecclesiastical and temporal contemporary sources. The growth of the Irish administration and the introduction of specialized administrative officers are related to the efforts of these two men, John Cumin and Henry of London, to introduce Anglo-Norman ways in Ireland. Their work as ecclesiastics was also a means to normanize the Irish country and people through the introduction of fashionable Norman religious orders, the institution of the secular prebendal college, and the reformation of the Irish church. / In the past the history of the Norman invasion of Ireland has been approached from a political standpoint; however, it is much more profitable to address the many complex issues surrounding the movement of the Normans into Ireland from a variety of sources and viewpoints. In order to use these sources most effectively, it is necessary to understand the intricate involvement of church and state under the Angevin kings. Henry II and his sons needed royal servants to staff their civil administration. This administration had become increasingly important to them; no longer were the military advisors and strategists the mainstay of the kingdom, for without their civil servants, the kings would not possess the means to carry on their wars. Bishops, abbots, and other clerics were used by the Angevin kings as clerks, itinerant justices, and even occasionally as sheriffs. John Cumin and Henry of London had been royal servants for many years before they assumed the duties of the archbishop of Dublin, and they had both been archdeacons in England, a post that was often used in this period as a source of income for clerical royal servants. / The archbishops of Dublin were typical clerical civil servants; they had both worked as royal administrators, judges, diplomats, and royal messengers. In Ireland, they were key figures in the building of Anglo-Norman government in the Norman-controlled regions. John Cumin's quarrels with the king's officials caused him to play a lesser part in the administration of Ireland than Henry of London, who had resolved similar problems more easily. Henry of London's service as justiciar illustrates the heights of secular involvement reached by the ecclesiastical civil servant under the Angevin kings in Ireland. As justiciar, Henry was engaged in the usual pursuits of a lord governor; he was as actively engaged in building castles as he was in constructing churches, he was the chief financial officer of Ireland, and the king's representative in all of his Irish affairs. However, he was also the representative of the English church in Ireland and equally active in the institution of acceptable practices and offices into the ecclesiastical sphere, as was his predecessor, John Cumin. The archbishops of Dublin were exceedingly valuable to the Angevins because they served as a means to introduce Norman institutions to both church and civil government in Ireland. Each of these primarily Norman establishments would serve as a repository of Anglo-Norman civilization in Ireland, and contribute to the melding of Irish and Norman culture. The Angevin kings of England realized that one cannot conquer by the sword alone, and the roles of the archbishops of Dublin demonstrate this precept. The archbishops of Dublin were as important in the conquering of Ireland as the military leaders, if not more so since their influence extended not only into temporal affairs but also into the spiritual realm. This study reveals the importance of these men in achieving the eventual submission of most of Ireland to the Norman order. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 41-10, Section: A, page: 4471. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1980.

This dissertation traces the intellectual roots of the contemplative/monastic ethic, and the factors which contributed to its decline. / The monastic ethic was a unique blend of Hellenistic philosophical assumptions and early eschatological Christianity. The ideal of renunciation came to dominate medieval Christian ethics so completely, that all Christians, even the laity; measured themselves by the monastic plumb line. Before an ideal of virtuous secularism could be devised, the philosophical substructure on which the vita comtemplativa was based had to be challenged. The philosophers, Thomas Aquinas and William of Ockham, did this by challenging the Platonic epistemological assumptions that lay at the heart of medieval ethics. The nominalists argued that the human mind is severely limited in its ability to penetrate the mysterious nature of God. They placed their emphasis on the will, not the intellect. When the will rather than the intellect became the focus of attention, the debate over the relative merits of action and comtemplation was revived. / It was the Italian Renaissance humanists who played the key role in the vita contemplativa/vita activa debate. Although they were not philosophically inclined, the ideas of the late medieval philosophers were known to them. Their emphasis on the will and the futility of metaphysical speculation is evidence of this. By reviving the viva activa ideal of the classical age and emulating the virtues of the ancients they admired, the humanists were able to formulate a new ideal of Christian conduct. An examination of the thought and writings of four Italian humanists--Franceso Petrarca, Coluccio Salutati, Leon Battista Alberti and Lorenzo Valla--show how these men came to abandon the medieval ideal of renunciation and contemplation for the ideal of the uomo universale, the classically-educated Christian man of virtuous action. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 46-01, Section: A, page: 0235. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1984.

Despite medieval and contemporary treatments of the Order of Apostles, an Italian lay religious movement that flourished from 1260 to 1307, that have alleged that its members were sexually immoral, promoted heresy and engaged in an apocalyptic, armed insurrection, this study argues that the Order was not immoral, nor inherently heretical and violent. Medieval sources, including chronicles and inquisitional records, have presented an overwhelmingly negative and biased account of the beliefs and actions of the Order of Apostles, which has then been uncritically repeated by most English-language scholarship, providing only a cursory overview of the Order, and often neglecting to analyze the intentions of medieval authors such as the Franciscan, Salimbene of Parma, and the Dominican inquisitor, Bernard Gui. This oversight has perpetuated a history of the Apostles that portrays them as misguided religious enthusiasts who quickly turned to violence in order to force their apostolic lifestyle on the unsuspecting medieval laity. As this dissertation argues, the Order did not foolishly seek to imitate the early apostles, but its members, including its founder, Gerard Segarelli, were instead part of larger orthodox trend among both the medieval laity and ecclesiastics who sought a more active role in religious life. By reexamining Salimbene's Cronica, the anonymous Historia Fratris Dulcini Heresiarche and Bernard Gui's De Secta Pseudo-Apostolorum , along with inquisitorial records, this study explores the message of poverty, penance and communalism that appealed to and attracted both women and men from various social classes to the Order. This study also disputes the commonly held belief that the Order, especially under its second leader, Fra Dolcino, was an actively violent apocalyptic group, first, by documenting the numerous instances where he and his followers consciously avoided conflict with episcopal and feudal authorities, and, second, by situating Dolcino and the Apostles within the larger framework of the tumultuous social and political climate of Valsesia, in northern Italy. This dissertation therefore reevaluates the Order of Apostles as more sophisticated and less violent than previously imagined.

This study examines late Roman and early medieval sources for evidence concerning changes in the legal restrictions on marriage choice and choice of sexual partners. The data so derived serve as a base for examining theories in the social sciences concerning the etiology and function of the incest ban in human societies. A thorough examination of such theories, along with historical data, provides a possible synthesis of various social science views. A causal connection between the level of incest awareness in a society or in individuals and the levels of intrasocietal or individual aggression is shown. The synthesis so developed is dependent on a careful examination of nurturant relationships between fathers and daughters and between mothers and sons. The ramifications of the nurturant and oedipal elements in social behavior are therefore examined closely. Societies obsessed with maternal goddesses and female saints, for example, will be societies characterized both by lowered ranges of incest bans and by individual aggression towards dominance. An evolutionary rationale is provided, which the author finds reflected in a historical dynamic. Cognitive and functional uses of the incest ban are also explored. The ban against incestuous relations with affines is seen as a conscious tool to mute intrafamilial rivalries and thus to ensure a familial stability which would function to add some stability to the patterns of early medieval kingship. Godparentage networks and the incest bans between members of those networks are also explored, it being concluded that the incest ban was essential to maintaining the integrity of spiritual kinship networks. Early Germanic marriage patterns are also examined. It is shown that there was a persistent pattern among the Germanic peoples of patrilateral cross cousin marriage. This pattern fits well with the level of aggressive competition in the society, and the church was never able to break it completely. The whole study has implications about the nature of the church's growing antifeminity and antisexuality during the period of the early middle ages. And the evolutionary and historical dynamic proposed can possibly be applied to a wide variety of societies, including our own.

Its contemporary sources indicate that early Frankish society of the sixth and seventh centuries was a living and developing new culture--West-European civilization--founded on the customary law principles of the Germanic Frankish peoples, the Gallo-Roman traditions, and the Christian Church. The contemporary sources (the law codes of the Salic and Ripuarian Franks, records of the Concilia Galliae, the Formulae of Marculfus, and Gregory of Tours' The History of the Franks) are few in quantity and not very varied in character, but their quality is such that they provide great insight into the society they represent. Evidence provided by the law codes indicates a need for order in society and for non-violent remedies for proven criminal acts. The insistence on correct court procedures and on the integrity of court officials that the laws imply is indicative of a society that desires respect for its judicial system. The codes also indicate that individuals were encouraged to settle permanently within a community, so that they could receive the support of that community in case of necessity. Furthermore, the amount of the fines assessed for crimes that threatened the very existence of an individual indicates that society tried to realize an atmosphere conducive to a safe environment for its members through its judicial system. The contents of the synodal decrees of the sixth and seventh centuries indicate that the church set regulations for many aspects of community life and thus played an important role in early Frankish society. The church as a property owner and its administrator, the bishop, were part of the secular community, which benefited the community because the church provided many of its social services and benefited the church as an institution because the secular authorities counted on its discipline and thus protected it. It appears probable that the communities enforced their judicial decisions. The increasing importance placed on documentation and on the legality of actions, of which Marculfus' Formulae are indicative, provides further evidence that early Frankish society of the sixth and seventh centuries was a new culture, a living synthesis of Frankish and Gallo-Roman components.

The Byrthe and Lyfe of the Moost False and Deceytfull Antechryste, a unique copy of a late medieval English version of the life of Antichrist, resides at the University Library of Cambridge University. The life of Antichrist, or Antichrist vita, as developed by scriptural exegetes, preachers, historians, and devotional writers (discussed in Chapter One), became, in the fifteenth century, a popular subject for early printed illustrated vernacular texts. The German blockbook Antichrist vitae (appearing as early as 1460) told the life of the "Man of Sin" in a series of 45 woodcut illustrations, with a brief textual explanation provided for each woodcut. These blockbooks in turn influenced other late medieval European printers to produce typographic illustrated Antichrist vitae, oftentimes closely copying the original illustrations. These early books include the German Der Antichrist (Strassburg, 1480); the Spanish Libro del Anticristo (Burgos, 1495), the French L'Advenement de Antechrist (Paris, 1492) and Vie du Mauvais Antechrist (Lyons, 1495); and the English "Coming of Antichrist," a section of The Art to Live Well and Die Well (London: Wynkyn de Worde, 1505), and The Byrthe and Lyfe of the Moost False and Deceytfull Antechryste (London: Wynkyn de Worde, 1520 ?). Chapter Two analyzes and compares these European illustrated vitae. The two English vitae, although printed by the same shop, and sharing many woodcut illustration, are strikingly different. "The Coming of Antichrist" continually links the life of Antichrist with the moral and spiritual state of its audience. The Byrthe and Lyfe of Antechryste, on the other hand, has more illustrations, less moral commentary, and a more story-like tone. Chapter Three gives a detailed analysis of the sources, the content, and the printing history of these two works. Its treatment of The Byrthe and Lyfe of Antechryste, especially, relates that work to late medieval apocalyptic beliefs, the use of scripture in pre-Reformation vernacular literature, the characteristics of Wynkyn de Worde's printing, and the popularity of the orthodox Catholic interpretation of Antichrist at a time when newer Reformist and anti-Catholic apocalyptic views were growing increasingly popular. The edited text of The Byrthe and Lyfe of Antechryste, presented in Chapter Four, hopefully will prove useful to students of medieval and late medieval apocalypticism.

The Chronicon Monasteril de Abingdon, edited by the Reverend Joseph Stevenson, was first published in 1858 as part of the Rolls Series. The chronicle narrates the history of one of England's most distinguished monastic foundations, the Benedictine house of Abingdon in Berkshire, from the late seventh century until the accession of Richard the Lion-Hearted in 1189. Though the history of its early years remains obscure, Abingdon from the late tenth century onwards became one of the most influential abbeys in England, due to its prominence in the tenth-century reformation of English monastic life. The chronicle consists mainly of legal documents, such as writs and charters, many of which have been translated, interspersed with narrative sections about the accession of monarchs, the deeds of abbots, or the various legal disputes in which the abbey was engaged throughout its history. The chronicle reveals that many and varied concerns of a wealthy and influential monastic foundation in a period of great social, economic and political changes--the late Anglo-Saxon period and the first century after the Norman Conquest. Among the mass of data which the chronicle yields is much information about the position of women in English society in this important period. This information contradicts the prevailing theory, propounded by Frank and Doris Stenton, that the status of English women, relatively high during the Anglo-Saxon period, underwent an immediate decline upon the Norman Conquest. An analysis of the evidence from the Abingdon chronicle concerning women is offered in Chapter Three, "The Stentons and Medieval English Women: A Reconsideration."

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Medieval narrative accounts of female misbehaviour reflect deep social perceptions and expectations grounded in ideas of gender. The women described in the twelfth-century non-fiction narratives analysed in this thesis had not behaved in an objectively "bad" way, judged by legal or moral standards. Rather, the disapproving depiction of women's behaviour reflects the author's concern with the women's goals and intentions, rather than their specific actions. In all the episodes I analysed, I found a search for autonomy and independence from social and cultural control on the part of the women. It is this wilful desire for autonomy that incurs the medieval authors' disapproval. The first chapter focuses on marital choice, one of the few areas of medieval social life in which young women could express a certain degree of independent judgement in spite of familial, social, and cultural constraints. I argue that female resistance to outside pressure is often depicted in exaggerated misogynistic tones. On the other hand, female behaviour which inspires the approval of an author is often transposed into masculine characteristics. In the second chapter, the focus shifts to widowhood. In narrative depictions of widows, the deep connection between the exercise of female autonomy and medieval misogynistic discourse emerges. Medieval perceptions of gender necessarily rested on the core concept of female subordination as natural and necessary to social organization. Actions that challenged this assumption were invariably cast in a negative light. Widows seeking to sever the ties that bound them to male guardians are represented in highly critical terms. / Les comptes rendus narratifs médiévaux du mauvais comportement des femmes sont profondément ancrés dans des perceptions sociales et des attentes qui découlent de notions du genre. Les femmes décrites dans ces récits non fictifs du douzième siècle et qui font l'objet de ce mémoire n'ont pas eu un mauvais comportement selon les normes légales ou morales de l'époque. Ce sont les objectifs et les intentions des femmes, plutôt que leurs gestes précis qui figurent comme source d'inquiétude dans ces textes. Dans tous les épisodes analysés, j'ai découvert une quête d'autonomie et d'indépendance des femmes par rapport aux contrôles social et culturel. C'est ce désir volontaire d'autonomie qui suscite la désapprobation des auteurs médiévaux. Le premier chapitre est axé sur le choix matrimonial, un des rares domaines de la vie sociale médiévale où les jeunes femmes pouvaient exprimer un certain jugement indépendant en dépit des contraintes familiales, sociales et culturelles. Je soutiens que la résistance des femmes à la pression extérieure est souvent représentée sur des tons mysogynes exagérés. D'autre part, le comportement féminin qui inspire l'approbation d'un auteur est souvent transposé en caractéristiques masculines. Dans le deuxième chapitre, l'accent est mis sur la question du veuvage. Dans les représentations narratives des veuves, le lien profond entre l'exercice de l'autonomie féminine et le discours misogyne médiéval émerge. La perception médiévale du genre des sexes reposait forcément sur le concept central de la subordination des femmes comme étant naturel et nécessaire à l'organisation sociale. Les actions qui font fi de cet ordre des choses furent invariablement narrées de façon négative. Les veuves qui cherchent à briser les liens qui les unissent à leurs gardiens mâles sont notamment représentées en termes très critiques.