Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2005. / Supervisor: O.L. Davis, Jr. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

<p> Between 1889 and 1914, American mining engineers drew on their experience in mining in the American West into management positions with prominent mining finance firms in the British Empire. The careers of three engineers, Hennen Jennings, John Hays Hammond, and Herbert Hoover, demonstrate their influence on British gold mining investment and on the imperial system. The professional biographies of these engineers demonstrate their racialized labor practices, access to technology and capital, ideas about management, and willingness to interfere in the politics and economies of sovereign nations for the interests of the mining finance industry, notably the Transvaal Republic and late Qing China. In their actions in the colonies, they employed the latest mining technologies to extract gold from low grade ores, imposed labor conditions on the basis of race (including the legal foundations of Apartheid in South Africa), and directed investment capital toward profitable mining in support of the monetary gold standard and shareholder dividends. Along with hundreds of other mining engineers, they oversaw a world-historical expansion of the world&rsquo;s gold supply through the expansion of gold mining on the Witwatersrand in the Transvaal Republic and in Western Australia, effectively doubling the world&rsquo;s supply of gold in two decades. </p><p> These engineers were agents of transnational extractive capitalism and the British and American empires. As an integral component of their careers, they operated in the core of empire: major centers of investment such as London and New York, the media and publishing worlds, and even world&rsquo;s fairs. They communicated their professional activities and technical developments through the <i>Engineering and Mining Journal,</i> the premier mining publication of the era. They promoted world&rsquo;s fairs, ensuring that mining was prominently featured as an aspect of civilization at these expositions. They also acted as public intellectuals, speaking and publishing on topics of empire, well beyond the purview of the mine. Based on archival research, contemporary technical journals and media accounts, and autobiographical documents, this dissertation analyzes the influence of American Mining Engineers, both good and bad, in shaping the British Empire and the modern world system before the outbreak of World War 1.</p><p>

<p> In this thesis, I use the cities of Yamoussoukro, Cote d'Ivoire; Phnom Penh, Cambodia; and Montreal, Canada as case studies to analyze the connection between architecture, nationalism, and the influence of colonialism. Each of these cities was directly influenced by French urban development as these cities were reshaped in order to change the people, history, or culture of specific geographies. As these countries gained independence from France they used architecture as a way to express national identity to local populations in order to collectivize them, as well as a way to express this "unified" identity to the international community. This is rooted in the urban policies of the European colonizers which focused on teaching indigenous populations European morality, aesthetics, and rational use of space, but also in the creation of maps, drawings, and other material to express the colonial identity of these territories.</p>

<p> This research examines the role of the Moroccan rulers, the political administration, and the Moroccan people in shaping Moroccan cities, mainly Fez, during the nineteenth century. It studies the role of trade and the interaction of Moroccan merchants with France and England between 1830 and 1912. In this study, I offer an analysis of a group of factors that influenced the development of Fez. More specifically, I analyze the impacts of war, drought, famine, epidemics, and unrest, which culminated in a massive migration from rural regions to urban cities, Fez in particular. The death and hardship of the era resulted in social and urban changes that made Fez the center of thriving trade and building projects.</p><p> These dynamics of change and socioeconomic factors reshaped the built environment of Fez. Accordingly, this dissertation examines several social and economic layers of urban change in Fez. This study challenges the notion that cities in Morocco represented a backward culture and stagnant past. It also articulates that the importance of Morocco comes not only from its relations with Europe, but also from its own political, social, and economic ideals. </p><p> As trade flourished during this period, Fez rose to be an important stage for wealth and urban change. It played an essential role in the economy and political balance of Europe. As a result, a new class of powerful and wealthy merchants, Muslims and Jews, formed the new political elites of Fez. These merchants influenced the socio-economic and built environments of Fez and Morocco at large. In addition, the interaction of the wealthy merchants with Europe increased their wealth and political presence, which impacted Morocco and facilitated the presence of European powers in the country. As a result of this transformation, a struggle for power heightened and the gap between the wealthy and the poor widened. These consequences transformed the built environment of Fez; the wealthy built palatial residences and the poor struggled to survive in cramped spaces. </p><p> This study posits that the slow and cautious progress of Morocco suggests the good intentions of the rulers to promote progress and development in a variety of domestic sectors. In addition, the increased wealth from trade and investment in properties and the continuous building and renovation activities reveals that Morocco was a land of change, and Fez was a vibrant, productive urban center during the nineteenth century. Fez&rsquo;s production at the time is characterized by increased wealth from trade, land development, investment, and renovation.</p><p>

<p> This study focuses on the Chinese community of Manila from 1570 to 1770, revealing that the community was not an insular, ethnic enclave unified in its efforts and aspirations but one made up of different groups with varying goals. Not all Chinese saw the Spanish presence as conducive to their livelihoods but certain sectors of the community did. I argue the collaboration of these elements within the Chinese community was essential in maintaining the Spanish presence in Manila. Those whose interests most closely aligned with Spanish aims included a small group of wealthy Chinese merchants involved in supplying the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade with merchandise (mainly silk), merchants and artisans in the Chinese quarter called the Pari&aacute;n and Chinese leaders who acted as middlemen linking the needs of the regime with Southern Fujianese workers to supply the city with services, food, and labor. In return, Spaniards provided New Spanish silver, government monopolies and recognition of the authority of Chinese elites over laborers. In that way, the Spanish empire in the Asia-Pacific region was a collaborative enterprise, constructed in the cooperation of various interest groups. </p><p> When the abuses of Spanish authorities threatened the lives of those they ruled, Chinese intermediaries could not maintain their claims of mitigating the demands of the regime on behalf of Chinese workers and lost control of those under their supervision. In 1603, 1639, and 1662, Chinese laborers raised the banner of revolt. These moments of violent rupture with the colonial order indicate that mediation was crucial to preserving the Spanish presence in Manila. Coercion could put down threats to control but on its own could not hold colonial society together. </p><p> The Chinese, with others, created the ties that bound colonial society together through kinship and credit networks for mutual aid. <i>Compadrazgo </i> (coparenthood), <i>padrinazgo</i> (godparenthood), and marriage connected Chinese to colonial society and provided a means of profit, protection and recruiting labor. These links persisted into the nineteenth century and helped the Chinese shape the ecology of Manila to their purposes, albeit within the confines of Spanish sovereignty. </p><p> Sources: baptismal records, notarial books (<i>protocolos de Manila </i>), court cases.</p>

<p> In late 1877, John Fryer Thomas Keane set out on a journey few Christian Europeans had attempted&mdash;completing the <i>h&dotbelow;ajj,</i> or pilgrimage, to Mecca. While some Europeans had undertaken this pilgrimage as Muslims, Keane donned the guise of an Indian Muslim instead of converting to Islam outright. From the <i>h&dotbelow;ajj</i> of Italian Ludovico di Varthema in the early sixteenth century to the nineteenth century travels of Englishmen Sir Richard F. Burton and John Lewis Burkhardt, a select few Westerners embarked upon <i>h&dotbelow;ajj</i> disguised as Muslims in order to reveal the nature of this restricted Islamic ritual practice. After completion of his <i>h&dotbelow;ajj</i>, Keane detailed his journey in a two-volume set. Given his youth and general lack of experience, Keane stands out as a unique, and understudied, traveler among England&rsquo;s nineteenth century disguised <i>h&dotbelow;ajjis.</i> He represented a new form of non-Muslim <i>h&dotbelow;ajji,</i> that of the tourist, who performed the pilgrimage, not out of any academic or imperial needs or wants, but for their own personal enlightenment, adventure, or gain. His <i>h&dotbelow;ajj</i> also demonstrates the growing global interconnectedness of the late nineteenth century. In this thesis, I outline how studying Keane affects our understanding of late nineteenth century Western exploration in Arabia.</p><p>

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<p> Decisions have both short and long-term consequences. Sometimes we cannot see the consequences and do not know the outcomes, but we take a step and make a choice. Some after-effects are irrevocable, and some are fixable. Some decisions affect us immediately and exclusively while others have consequences that are global. When we make decisions, we sometimes doubt our decisions and ask ourselves what might have happened if another choice was made. We make choices daily, small or great, for good or bad. After World War II, South Korean president Rhee Syngman put many alleged Communists in a rehabilitation program known as the National Guidance League. Many of them were executed between 1945 and 1953 to prevent them from joining the Communist north. Rhee's decision affected many families including my own. What we choose to do has intentional and unintentional consequences. Extreme choices produce dire consequences that can subsequently influence future generations and, on a larger scale, an entire nation for decades.</p>

<p> In this thesis I argue that Hindu nationalist terminology, particularly the concepts of <i>Hindutva, Samyavada,</i> and national identity, modernized amid currents of globalization and neocolonialism in the early twentieth-century. In the theoretical section, I examine how systems of knowledge and power in India were directly and indirectly affected by the globalization of western modernity. In the primary source analysis section, I discuss three prominent Hindu nationalists and their ideas in support of the argument made in the theoretical section. Veer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar (1883-1966), the philosopher of Hindutva, represented the ethno-nationalistic component to Hindu nationalism and looked to cultural motifs in order to unify the &ldquo;true&rdquo; people of India. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose (1897-1945), the militant hero who formed the Indian National Army and outright opposed the British, contributed the aggressive discourse of nationalist rhetoric. Sarsanghchalak Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar (1906-1973), the supreme leader of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), utilized Hindu nationalist rhetoric in order to mesmerize post-independence Indians and lay the foundation for the future of the RSS. Although these individuals represented a current within Indian nationalist history, their lives and literature influenced the language of Hindu nationalism.</p>