Thesis advisor: Rebecca Nedostup / As my friends and I look forward to graduating this 2004, we are burdened with the task of carrying ourselves as delegates and agents of our respective societies. The challenge is even more exhaustive in the sense that the global landscape has been significantly altered as such so that we now live in a world which runs on a new breed of geopolitics; theories of interdependence perpetually interlock nation states in enduring fellowships of cooperation. Keeping this and the lessons that we've learned (both in the classroom and otherwise) in mind, there is an urgency to prevent and avoid future mass conflicts and ensure peaceful change. While this remains a worthy objective, the scope and complexities of modern-day world politics demands an understanding of a much wider range of issues. Moreover, new conceptual frameworks and theories are required to improve our understanding and assist in the development of better policies and practices. By human nature there naturally exists self-imposed obstacles and boundaries, which threaten to hinder progress. A more sophisticated knowledge and thorough education become essential countermeasures to safeguard growth and development. Within the realm of a research paper, the investigation and analysis of this subject can hardly be brought to a satisfactory conclusion within a reasonable amount of time. Therefore I choose to concentrate on the mechanisms, which shape the relationship between two highly visible, dominant and powerful global antagonists: the United States of America and the People's Republic of China. With the end of the Cold War era and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the United States was solidified as the most potent contender in the international arena. This title endured relatively undisputed and has remained fairly unchanged for the next decade thereafter. Interestingly enough though it was during this same period that China was concurrently grabbing headlines with its rapid development in many sectors. Analysts, professionals and experts are all in concurrence when they predict that by the first half of the 21st century this traditional Asian powerhouse will have met or surpassed the United States in stature and influence. It is reasonable, and accurate, to assume that US-Sino relations will have an unparalleled influence within the spectrum of international cooperation politically, culturally, and economically. Presently nations are vigilantly forming implicit alliances as they conceptually allocate themselves in favorable positions for the resurrection of a bipolar global infrastructure. From my delimited personal experience, I have unfortunately discovered a significant number of my peers are ignorant of these developing trends and the implications of this interrelationship. The purpose of this thesis is to converse with an audience comprised of individuals similar to those that I have met in these past four years, namely: intelligent and educated young Americans who are simply not informed of the nature, potential and circumstances surrounding US-Sino relations and policy. In this light, I intend to further specify the concentration of this study largely on the relationship that western media has with US-Sino relations. There will be a special emphasis and focus on the modern issue of human rights and trade. Furthermore, the bulk of the analysis will be limited within the timeframe of the three most recent American presidencies: George Bush (1989-1993), Bill Clinton (1993-2001), and George W. Bush (2001-present). The purpose of the first chapter is to give the reader a solid idea of the general issues that have plagued US-Sino relations in recent modern history. Again from personal experience it has come to my attention that the average American student has a narrow education concerning US-Sino relations often pervaded with misconceptions, which are not compensated for in personal readings. This recess of knowledge is particularly apparent concerning all episodes and trends that took place prior to the birth and maturation of our generation; mainly everything that took place before the early post-Cold war era of the 1980's. I feel that in order to have a solid grasp of current US-Sino relations, one must construct a respectable appreciation and foundation of knowledge concerning the historical events that took place from 1971 to the present.After this brief history lesson the thesis will explore the composite components that make up the media. It is from these resources that most college students in American draw their first and sometimes, only, impression of US-Sino relations. This section attempts to create a framework by which the media is broken down into its fundamental and more understandable elements. It is necessary to analyze the fabrics of the media; from the concept of self-perception, stereotypes, propaganda, and interest groups to the purpose that it serves as a median by which images of diplomatic-strategy are marketed. In short, the second chapter attempts to place the western media in a comprehensible light, enough so that the reader may continue with the remainder of the thesis with enough insight to make educated judgments. The dilemma between trade incentive and democratic moral ground is the key example that this thesis will use to illustrate the behavior of the mass media and the manners in which it can exert pressure on policy-making. Thus, a more mature understanding of the human rights debate is required. The third chapter explores the human rights issue in depth; tracing the evolution of the issue through contemporary history whilst highlighting this narrative with headlines from the press and mass media. The third chapter will additionally explore economics and trade relations in a similar manner using samples taken from primary sources. Finally, the core debate concerning these two issues will be scrutinized, analyzed and illustrated with headlines and proper examples from the media. In this realm analysis will naturally require some elements of subjective interpretation to hold any meaning. It is my hope that my audience will be able to walk away with that cultivated and deeper understanding not only of the media's capacity in shaping US foreign policy towards China but also the misleading conclusion that are often drawn from such a habit. It is important to keep in mind that perceptual gaps whether based on diverging cultures, histories, ideologies or all three, can be dangerous mental barriers. Because a significant portion of this thesis will also be concentrating on the manner in which lucrative trade and investment potential more often than not edge out the human rights concerns in modern US-Sino relations debates, the moral of the story will have to be interpreted by the reader him/herself. However, due to the fact that these issues, as well as the periphery issues that surround it, are so new and in a state of constant re-evolution, the fluidity of the subject makes it fairly difficult to draw conclusions. Moreover, it is also rather problematic to make firm stances and opinions either for one side or the other but I will write briefly on my own thoughts and opinions. Thus, ultimately I write this thesis in hopes to raise the issue of US-Sino cooperation into the consciousness of the young American mindset by providing an intelligent background upon which they may draw their own summations while being conscious of the influential ideas propagated by the media and the press around them. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

It is generally assumed that educational expansion has positive effects on economic growth. This assumption has been challenged by recent theoretical and empirical sociological studies. It is argued that the effects of education on economic growth are conditioned by broad social conditions in which the relationship between education and economy is embedded. This studies uses two cases, the Meiji Japan (1890-1914) and post WWII Taiwan (1953-1985), to specify the conditions under which promote economic growth. Specifically, this study attempts to answer two related questions: Did the educational expansion actually promote the economic growth in the Meiji Japan and Taiwan (1953-1985)? And if so, under what conditions did the educational expansion promote economic growth? To answer the first question, the Cobb-Douglas production functions are estimated; to answer the second question, historical analyses of state's policy, economic developments and educational expansion in each case are conducted. / The findings and analyses show that education did not have uniform and automatic effects on the remarkable economic growth in these two countries; rather the effects can be understood in terms of how the state, educational and economic systems interact to produce human capital, status competition and class reproduction processes at different levels of education. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 54-02, Section: A, page: 0702. / Major Professor: Jill Quadagno. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1993.

The epochs of Indian History have been determined from time to time by the appearance of foreign influences. Of immeasurable significance for India was the coming of the Europeans, for it eventually transformed the political destiny of the country. Inevitably, France, one of the five great European maritime powers of the time, had been vitally involved in this historic process. Yet, though there exists a cornucopia of material on French commercial history in the East Indies and on the various military and commercial phases of the Anglo-French rivalry in India, no one has so far undertaken to study the true character of the French presence in India from 1763 to 1783, within the setting of French global policy after the Seven Years' War. This is what the present study has endeavored to do According to conventional wisdom, and even scholarly opinion, the French were imperialistic in India. Yet a review of the French government's policy from 1763 to 1783 shows that, on the contrary, the French were, with remarkable consistency, non-expansionist in India. The Indian policy of the French government constituted only one part of its wider strategy to unseat British predominance throughout the world, and to retrieve France's position as a first-rank Power in Europe. The French government schemed to attack the founts of British power in India and in North America, not to succeed to British domination in these regions, but to liberate them In India, the French through a policy of diplomatic intrigue, labored to expel their rivals from the country. The story of the French presence in India post-1763 is largely the story of a desperate struggle by Frenchmen to block the extension of British imperialism in the region. The ultimate end was to restore freedom and liberty on the Indian soil. The French government may have aspired to establish in India a network of trade but not an empire of conquest. The prevailing belief that the French conflict with the English in India was primarily a conflict for an 'Indian Empire' may now be revealed for what it always was: a myth / acase@tulane.edu

A general equilibrium model is established to evaluate fiscal policy in Taiwan, particularly the replacement of the sales tax by a value-added tax. To begin, the major taxes levied in Taiwan are identified and briefly described. Based on this descriptive analysis, we can make assumptions concerning tax incidence for Taiwan's major taxes within a general equilibrium framework; and the effective tax rates, by type of tax, by family income class, are calculated. Then, a general equilibrium computation algorithm is applied to convert an abstract representation of an economy into an operational model The results are obtained by comparing the solutions between before- and after-tax equilibrium in nonlinear equations system. The main conclusions show that (1) the relative prices of goods, in general, only have a small change; and (2) the efficiency gain in production and total welfare gain are both small as well / acase@tulane.edu

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2006. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-02, Section: A, page: 0677. Adviser: Alexander Rabinowitch. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed March 13, 2007)."

Anlong Veng was the last stronghold of the Khmer Rouge until the organization's ultimate collapse and defeat in 1999. This dissertation argues that recent moves by the Cambodian government to transform this site into an "historical-tourist area" is overwhelmingly dominated by commercial priorities. However, the tourism project simultaneously effects an historical narrative that inherits but transforms the government's historiographic endeavors that immediately followed Democratic Kampuchea's 1979 ousting. The work moves between personal encounters with the historical, academic presentations of the country's recent past, and government efforts to pursue a museum agenda in the context of "development through tourism" policies.

Chen Duxiu (1879-1942), is without question one of the most significant figures in modern Chinese history. Yet his early life has been curiously neglected in Western scholarship. In this dissertation I examine the political, social and intellectual networks that played such an important role in his early career---a career that witnessed his transformation from a classical scholar in the Qing dynasty (1644-1912), to a reformer, to a revolutionary, to a renowned writer and editor, to a university dean, to a founder of the Chinese Communist Party, all in the space of about two decades.

Composer and educator He Luting (1903-1999) became one of the most influential musical figures in China's history. Trained in the Western classical tradition, He Luting promulgated the musical techniques of the West while dedicating himself to raising the standards of music in modern China. His outspoken advocacy of Western classical music rendered him a target during the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), causing him to become a victim of one of the earliest and most vicious attacks of that campaign. His bravery and defiance garnered him national attention, and he achieved legendary status for thousands of Chinese intellectuals terrorized by that regime. This document will show the effects of the ever-changing political climate of Maoist China on Chinese musicians, as reflected in the life and career of He Luting. A thorough examination of the humble beginnings and life experiences of He Luting will clearly portray the ways in which the changing polemics of the Communist Party influenced the musical education and compositional style of prominent Chinese musicians. This document also depicts how the writings of Claude Debussy attracted the notice of those in the highest levels of government, and how He Luting's subsequent defense of Debussy's writings resulted in what they deemed "the most serious counterrevolutionary incident prior to the Cultural Revolution." He Luting's subsequent interrogation and violent abuse (which had the distinction of being the only live, televised struggle session during this regime) is portrayed, as well as its effects on intellectuals throughout China. A detailed account of the sufferings of prominent musicians in Shanghai and their persecution by the government is also given in comparison with the case of He Luting. Other issues explored will include the importance of music in Maoist China, and why many musicians were persecuted for defending a musical culture that was not their own.

<p>This dissertation explores the colonization of wildlife in nineteenth and early twentieth century British India. It discusses hunting and colonial policies on wildlife to explore the political, social and cultural concerns that influenced British interactions with Indian wildlife, with their compatriots and with natives. Hunting, I argue was deeply implicated in the exercise of power in all these interactions. British policies on wildlife in the nineteenth century favored a neat categorization of wild animals as "vermin and "game." By the beginning of the twentieth century however, with decreasing numbers of carnivores and native opposition, the perceived complementarily between game preservation and vermin extermination was shattered. While the colonial administration continued both these policies, they also actively sought to formulate policies to protect all animals in areas designated as sanctuaries and national parks. Colonial hunting as it emerged from the late nineteenth century reflects the changing nature of the colonial state and a new imperial ideology of dominance. I also argue racial differences between the colonialists and colonized were articulated in the domain of hunting. While hunting represented domination of nature and natives, the "colonial hunt" also came to signify a paternal benevolent British rule. The importance given to hunting and to the notion of fair play in their hunting served to "identify" the moral and physical superiority of British rulers. The new ideology of paternalism was realized in the figure of the hunter-officer, the Sahib who in hunting dangerous carnivores was seen to act as a protector of the native. The changing nature of the colonial state and creation of racial differences also had a profound impact on colonial society which became increasingly self conscious of its own identity and image. Given the metropolitan engagement with social Darwinism and their location on the fringes of civilization as it were, colonialists became the center of metropolitan preoccupation with racial contamination. The emphasis on fair play, I argue reflects the efforts of the colonial elite to enforce a model code of conduct on its members and reassure an anxious metropole of the racial distance with the native. Policing behavior of their own, through categories like fair play was therefore essential to the agenda of creating racial differences. Due to a perceived connection between hunting, power and privilege, hunting also played an important role in social relations in colonial society. As hunting came to be regulated by laws by late nineteenth century, it often became the focal point of tensions in class and power within the colonial elite on the question of access to animals.</p> / Dissertation

This dissertation investigates the medical treatment of the female body in medieval China based on the women-related sections of a pivotal work in the history of Chinese medicine, the second through fourth scrolls of Sun Simiao's Beiji qianjin yaofang (completed ca. 652 C.E.). This text provides central evidence for the emergence of gynecology as a separate medical specialty in medieval China and reflects the highest level of elite medical knowledge regarding women at its time. It is the first text in the Chinese medical tradition to clearly define the parameters based on which the gender-specific treatment of the female body was conceptualized in the medical practice of the literati tradition. Its comprehensive nature shows that women's medical treatment in the seventh century was performed by and contested between large variety of practitioners, including literate male elites, professional midwives, other female members of the household or community, and religious specialists. The core of this study consists of an annotated translation of this text, covering the topics of fertility, pregnancy, childbirth, lactation, postpartum recovery, supplementing and boosting, menstrual problems, vaginal discharge, and miscellaneous conditions. The translation is preceded by an introduction which discusses the author and his work, then summarizes and explains the contents of my text, and lastly indicates topics for future research and potential interpretation in the areas of women's health in general, reproduction, physiology, and issues of the gendered body. Lastly, this study includes two indeces for materia medica and for symptoms, syndromes, and diseases.