<p> The Victorian era was marked by the incremental expansion of the British Empire. Such developments were not only of enormous importance for government officials and the contributors of that expansion, but for the broader general public as well, as evidenced by the coverage and discussion of such developments in the Cape to Cairo corridor in the national and provincial presses between 1870 and 1900. Transcending the discussions surrounding the politics of interventionism, the public's interest in imperial activities--such as the annexation of the Transvaal, the First Anglo-Boer War, the Zulu War, Gordon's mission into the Sudan, the Jameson raid and the Second Anglo-Boer War--also led to debates about the status of military institutions and the necessity for military reform. Lastly, although these debates reflected on public understandings of British national identity, they also demonstrated specific provincial sympathies, suggesting that national identity was constituted differently in England and Scotland.</p>

The following is an historical account of Soviet-Finnish diplomatic relations since 1944. In this context, Finland's position is quite unique, since it is the only nation east of the NATO-Warsaw Pact line that was not absorbed by the Soviet Union following World War II. This is even more remarkable when one considers that Finland fought against the Soviet Union in World War II as an ally of Nazi Germany, yet was not occupied by the Red Army during or after the war. Presently, Finland is a Western-style parliamentary democracy whose culture and institutions are firmly rooted in the Western world. Furthermore, Finland enjoys the economic distinction of associate membership ties with both the European Common Market (EEC), and its communist counterpart, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON). Internationally, Finland is a member of the United Nations, and as such has pursued a course of neutrality with the aim of forming a bridge between East and West. In this regard, Helsinki has served as the site for numerous international conferences, including various steps of the SALT talks and the Conference on European Security. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, Section: A, page: 1840. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1984.

Despite the importance of the Privy Council in Tudor England, few historians have closely investigated its operation. This study examines the Council's functioning in educational and social matters. By combining administrative and social history this study provides a better understanding of both the role of the Privy Council in the administration of the realm and the impact of social issues upon the central government. The principal sources used for this study were: The Acts of the Privy Council, the Lansdowne Manuscripts, State Papers Domestic, and the printed calendars of the Historical Manuscripts Commission. / The Marian and Elizabethan Privy Councils exhibited a wide-ranging interest in social matters, but only a limited involvement in educational ones. The councillors attended to issues that varied from the significant to the relatively trivial. They demonstrated concern for the maintenance of a stable society by repressing crime, endorsing the legitimacy of privileges, charters, and contracts, eliminating poverty and starvation, and requiring outward signs of social and religious conformity. The Council was also concerned with justice, such as, encouraging fair trials for criminals and equitable annulment settlements. In addition, it recognized the principle of local responsibility for a variety of matters, including poor relief, public works, and law enforcement. It relied heavily upon local officials, commissions, and subordinate councils for assistance in administering the realm, but made them accountable for their actions. Ironically, despite its attempt to stress local responsibilities, the Council's increasing activities tended to centralize power in its hands. One of the most efficient government institutions in the late Tudor period, the Privy Council attended regularly to social issues, consistently endorsing the principles of social order, justice, and communal responsibility. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 44-09, Section: A, page: 2858. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1983.

A study of the Slovak national experience during the 1848 revolutions in the Habsburg monarchy, this dissertation uses documentary and secondary sources that represent different schools of thought on the period. The result is an analysis of relations between the Slovaks and the various other national and political elements in Eastern Europe during the 1848 revolutionary period. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 43-12, Section: A, page: 4007. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1982.

The Volkssturm was the creation of the Nazi Party in the final days of World War II. Its function was a last-ditch defense of Germany against the expected invasion by the Allied Armies on both the Eastern and Western Fronts. / History shows that there have been instances of people with their collective "back to the wall" who have rallied, closed ranks, created militia forces, and hurled back the invaders. The principal reason for the Volkssturm's failure was rooted in Germany's inability to work as a whole. Volkssturm records are filled with instances of its leaders' gross dereliction of duty and misuse of power that bordered on the criminal. Had such behavior not been present, and the Volkssturm program started earlier so as to enable the armament industry to gear up for the manufacture of the needed extra weapons, then this pathetic organization might have done far better than it did as shown by its war record. / Unfortunately, the Germans did not keep volumnious records after January, 1945, so that the records do not provide information about the last stages of the dissolution of the Third Reich. / There is much to learn from a study of the Volkssturm in light of the problems faced by the United States today. It is not that the United States is likely to need an armed militia force to defend its borders from attack, but it will need to be able to field quickly a larger army should a war with the Soviet Union occur. The mistakes made by the German government in the formation of the Volkssturm should not be repeated again. / Considerable thanks are due to the staffs of the National Archives, modern Military Branch, the Department of State Archives, the Florida State University Library, and the Library at the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 43-06, Section: A, page: 2062. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1982.

Separatism has been a traditional vehicle of protest for the Sicilian people. In 1943, after the collapse of the Fascist regime, a new Separatist Movement emerged to become one of Italy's most serious post-war political problems. / The Separatist Movement found its membership from among all social levels and all political groups and was led by members of the island's conservative classes, including large landowners, the Mafia and the middle class. Its aim was the creation of an independent Sicilian nation which would eventually join Italy in a loose confederation of states. On other issues, the movement had no firm position because of the heterogeneous nature of the membership. Basically, the movement developed as a response to the fear that great social changes would occur if the island remained unified to post-war Italy. Those who supported the Separatist Movement did so because they wished to preserve the basic features of Sicilian society. The Separatist Movement, therefore, represented a conservative revolution, one which proposed radical means to preserve traditional society. / Between 1943 and 1945, the Separatist Movement managed to build a huge following. While its leaders spoke of revolution, they followed moderate policies. As the Italian government grew stronger and the separatist's maneuvering space shrank, they adopted more radical methods. A separatist army was created an plans made for revolution. In addition, numerous pleas for international assistance were issued, but in late 1945 and 1946, the government undertook a forceful campaign to crush the movement. In October 1945, the movement's leader, Andrea Finocchiaro-Aprile was arrested and within months the separatist army was destroyed. Although the movement functioned for two more years, it was rejected by the Sicilian people in electoral campaigns and finally disintegrated under the weight of ideological conflict. / Despite its failure, the Separatist Movement was directly responsible for the autonomy granted Sicily in May 1946 by the Italian state, an act which signified a definite change in the historical relationship between the mainland and the island. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 42-10, Section: A, page: 4549. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1981.

This study traces the origins and development of the Italian Socialist Party in the post-Risorgimento period. Special emphasis is given to the socialist left--the so-called revolutionary intransigent faction--and its most representative member, Costantino Lazzari (1857-1927). This work is divided into three general parts: Lazzari's activity with the Italian Worker Party in Milan in the 1880s, and his contribution to the founding and early development of the Socialist Party in the 1890s; the political and ideological strugges within the Socialist Party in the years 1900-1912, culminating with the socialist left winning control of the party at the national congress of Reggio-Emilia in 1912; and the Socialist Party, with Lazari as political secretary, during the difficult years of World War I and the post-war crisis. / Also discussed in this work are the origins and development of the Chambers of Labor, the impact of revolutionary syndicalism on the socialist and labor movements, relations between the Socialist Party and the General Confederation of Labor, and the notable instances of popular unrest and insurrections in the post-Risorgimento period--the Fasci siciliani, the fatti di Milano (1898), the general strike of 1904, settimana rossa (1914), the fatti di Torino (1915 and 1917), the biennio rosso (1919-1920), and the occupation of the factories (1920). / This study is based on extensive archival collections and other primary and secondary sources including socialist newspaper, corrrespondence, and memoirs. Archival materials used include sources for the interior and justice ministries located at the Archivio Centrale dello Stato in Rome, and prefectual records from the Archivio di Stato in Milan. In addition the private papers of Costantino Lazzari, and other personal collections located at the Istituto Feltrinelli in Milan provided material for this study. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 42-10, Section: A, page: 4549. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1981.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 40-10, Section: A, page: 5551. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1977.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 41-01, Section: A, page: 0358. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1980.

During the Napoleonic Era, Bavaria was caught between the Franco-Austrian power struggle for control of Central Europe. Under the conditions of 1805-1812, the interests of France and Bavaria coincided resulting in a beneficial military alliance. This study presents the accomplishments of the Bavarian Army as a part of Napoleon's campaigns. / In the wars of the Third and Fourth Coalition, 1805-1807, the Bavarians were used as security forces in order to preserve French combat power for the main theater of operations. Through these operations under the apprenticeship of the French, Bavaria's military readiness was greatly improved. Thus, in the War of the Fifth Coalition in 1809, the Bavarian Army played a prominent role in defeating Austria's main offensive. Although this fine fighting force was completely destroyed in the Russian campaign of 1812, the Bavarians utilized their newly gained experience to model a new army in its image, which, ironically, played an important part in the defeat of Napoleon in 1814. / Bavaria's destiny during the Age of Napoleon is yet another example for the strong interrelationship between diplomacy and military strength. Bavaria's leaders understood this and succeeded in guiding their country to a position of power in Germany. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 50-02, Section: A, page: 0525. / Major Professor: Donald D. Horward. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1988.