The pertinent literature concerning explanatory variables affecting the selection and election of women in western democratic legislatures is reviewed. A cross-national study of eleven western democracies, from 1960 through 1990, finds significant influence of party executive quotas on the number of women nominated and elected in the countries studied, although there is no predictable time lag evident. An empirical study was conducted on the effects of country, ideology, and yeargroup on: (1) the proportion of women on party executive committees, (2) the proportion of women nominated, and (3) the proportion of women elected to the national legislatures. Results indicated a statistically significant difference for each factor. The study shows there is little substantive difference between parties of the left and parties of the non-left in terms of effect on the number of women on party executive committees, nominated, or elected to national legislatures.

The thirty years from 1848 to 1878 witnessed several events which significantly affected the history of the Habsburg empire. This period saw the Habsburgs deprived of their hegemony in Germany and dispossessed of their Italian provinces. The demonstrable weakness of the Austrian state resulted in a major change in its form of government in 1867, with the result that the Hungarian half of the realm achieved a large voice in determining the country's foreign policy. One result of the Magyars' enhanced influence on foreign policy was the appointment of Count Gyula Andrassy as foreign minister in late 1871. Andrassy brought to office a distinctly Magyar point of view about the Dual Monarchy's proper foreign policy: he was anti-Russian and pro-Turkish, favored the maintenance of the status quo in the Balkans, and was resolved to protect the Dual Monarchy's prestige as a Great Power in order to maintain the Magyars' privileged position within Austria-Hungary. He regarded Russia as the greatest danger to his countrymen's favorable status. Initially Andrassy sought to combat the Russian menace by forming an alliance with Germany or Great Britain against Russia; however, when he was unable to do that, he chose to cooperate with Russia in an effort to moderate any ambitious schemes which St. Petersburg might envision. Andrassy's tactics succeeded admirably until the Balkan crisis of 1875-1878 when the Russians' sympathies for their fellow Slavs put increasing pressure on St. Petersburg to take action in the Balkans. Andrassy was able to retain the initiative in Balkan diplomacy until late 1876. Then, when it became apparent that Russia was on the verge of war against Turkey and that Austria-Hungary would not resort to military actions to prevent that conflict. He negotiated the Budapest Conventions, which safeguarded Austria-Hungary's Balkan interests by limiting Russia's gains in southeastern Europe and by ensuring that the Dual Monarchy acquired Bosnia-Hercegovina. However, at the end of the Russo-Turkish War, St. Petersburg did not honor its pledges to Vienna. The Treaty of San Stefano, imposed by Russia on Turkey, posed a real threat to Austria-Hungary's continued existence as a Great Power since it deprived the Dual Monarchy of Bosnia-Hercegovina and established a large Bulgarian state which would have dominated the Balkans. Andrassy recognized the danger which the Treaty of San Stefano posed to the Dual Monarchy and strove to negate that treaty. Ultimately it was set aside by the Congress of Berlin, and the territorial changes resulting from the Russo-Turkish War were adjusted in a manner favorable to Austria-Hungary. While the Dual Monarchy did make gains as a result of the Congress of Berlin, those advantages cannot be attributed primarily to Andrassy's policy. They were due far more to the facts that British and Austro-Hungarian Balkan interests largely coincided and that Russia retreated before the threat of British military action than to anything done by Andrassy who, because of his country's weakness and irresolution, saw himself forced to play a passive and impotent role by the end of the Balkan crisis.

For four centuries (c. 900-500 B. C.) an aristocratic warrior culture and its concomitant ideals and educational processes reigned supreme in Greece. As the aristocracy declined, so, too, did the ideals. Gradually a new intellectual culture replaced the old warrior culture, and ideals then became ideals of the mind, not of the body. The particular form which this new intellectual culture assumed was to be found in rhetorical education. Our approach to, and understanding of, ancient Greek rhetoric have been fashioned by the philological pursuits of the classicists of the nineteenth century. In the main, the interest has been with the mechanics of oratory--stylistics. If any opinions are even ventured concerning the substance of rhetoric, almost without exception they are opinions derived from information provided by Plato, who was, of course, hostile to the rhetorical profession. A gradual reassessment is taking place in which sophism re-assumes its proper position in Greek politics. But its position in the Greek intellectual tradition is still regarded with evident embarrassment. This attitude is fostered by the failure to realize that the roots of rhetoric are just as fundamentally scientific as they are political. Our task, then, is to re-integrate rhetoric back into its proper position in the Greek intellectual tradition. Once we comprehend this facet of oratory, we are then in a better position to understand Plato's criticisms and Isocrates' final articulation of the Greek rhetorical ideal.

Anglo-American cooperation in naval intelligence during the Second World War was closer and more productive than any similar relationship between other sovereign nations in recent history. Although thought of as a product of the "special relationship" between the United States and the United Kingdom, intelligence cooperation was based less on cultural affinities and more on practical considerations of individual advantage to the nations involved. Cooperation grew from British initiative, based on the need to involve the United States as deeply as possible in the battle against Germany. It was at its most productive in the successful battle against German U-boats in the Atlantic. As confidence in eventual Allied victory supplanted mutual concern for survival, cooperation gradually weakened, and post-war national interests began to overshadow wartime exigencies; and naval intelligence cooperation waned.

This essay will examine the recruitment of single British women by leading Protestant missionary societies during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to assess what motivated women to apply and what qualifications and training were required before they were deployed to the mission field. Single female candidates accepted into missionary service negotiated boundaries between gender and class and worked to redefine their position within religious missions, gradually becoming more professionalized as the years progressed. This thesis places particular emphasis on the study of British female medical missionaries. Throughout, it examines key themes regarding gender and professionalism and the interaction between gender and race on the mission field. Using South Africa as a case study to examine the interaction between female medical missionaries and their African trainees, in the final section the paper analyzes how white female medical missionaries defined themselves as professional women in the field. / Cet essai examine le recrutement par les principales sociétés protestantes de missionnaires de femmes britanniques célibataires au cours de la fin du dix-neuvième siècle et du début du vingtième. Il cherche à comprendre ce qui motiva les femmes à postuler, ainsi qu'à découvrir la formation et les qualifications exigées d'elles avant qu'elles ne soient envoyées en mission. Les candidates célibataires qui furent acceptées comme missionnaires eurent à affronter les barrières de classe et de genre, et travaillèrent à redéfinir leurs positions au sein des missions religieuses, se professionnalisant graduellement au fil des ans. Cette thèse porte un accent particulier sur l'étude des femmes missionnaires britanniques oeuvrant dans le champ médical. Elle accorde une place prépondérante à l'étude de thèmes touchant au genre et au professionnalisme, ainsi qu'à l'interaction entre genre et race sur le terrain des missions. Dans sa dernière section, le texte analyse par le biais d'une étude de cas de l'Afrique du Sud la manière par laquelle les femmes missionnaires ainsi que leurs apprentis africains se définirent en tant que femmes professionnelles sur le terrain des missions.

The objective of this thesis is to provide a substantial examination of the foreign contacts of the German resistance with the British government, specifically between Prime Minister Chamberlain's accession to power in May 1937 and the Munich Agreement of 30 September 1938. The contacts under examination will include Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ewald von Kleist-Schmenzin, Ernst Freiherr von Weizsäcker, and Erich and Theodor Kordt. The central motivation of this thesis is an attempt to understand the development of Chamberlain's policy of appeasement until the Munich Agreement, and how information received from German resistance contacts influenced official British policy. Similarly, a study of the September Plot within Germany will be included in an attempt to ascertain the readiness of the resistance to remove Adolf Hitler in the event of a positive response from the British Government. / L'objectif de ce mémoire est d'examiner en profondeur les contacts étrangers de la résistance allemande avec le gouvernement britannique, plus précisément entre l'arrivée au pouvoir du Premier Ministre Chamberlain en mai 1937 et les Accords de Munich du 30 septembre 1938. Les contacts examinés incluent Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ewald von Kleist-Schmenzin, Ernst Freiherr von Weizsäcker, ainsi qu'Erich et Theodor Kordt. Le but primordial de ce mémoire est de tenter de comprendre le développement de la politique d'apaisement de Chamberlain jusqu'aux Accords de Munich, et comment l'information reçue par l'entremise de ses contacts dans la résistance allemande a influencé la politique officielle du gouvernement britannique. Une analyse du complot de septembre en Allemagne sera également offerte afin de déterminer si la résistance allemande aurait été prête à éliminer Hitler si le gouvernement britannique lui avait donné une réponse positive.

The social statistician, Charles Booth, the ministers of London's churches, chapels and missions, the thousands of churchwomen, and the working classes of London, all had one thing in common in 1900: their strong sense of insecurity. The unpublished notebooks of Charles Booth's “Religious Influences” archive, the third part of his influential inquiry Life and Labour of the People in London (1889-1903), tell us that in response to this insecurity all found stability in a moral-religious ideology. This is the first dissertation to employ this archive in its entirety. Booth employed this moral ideology to divide the metropolitan working class into respectable and unrespectable citizens. He recommended the authoritarian solution of the labour colony for the latter. Churchmen and women social workers constructed their own religious and scientific hybrid for social work among the poor, and women made an equally strict effort to divide needy from needy. Both religious scientist and scientific religionist called their ideology misleading names. Booth called his “scientific” social work. Churchmen and women called theirs a Christian ideology of love and brotherhood with the poor. In practice, both meant the moral segregation of poor people, specifically in the field of charity, and their ideology had evangelical roots. The great contribution of Booth's Life and Labour survey was to reveal that poor working people in the metropolis saw themselves not as a working class, nor as “rough” and “respectable” classes, but as part of a poor-but-respectable hierarchy. Their lives were characterized by a self-perpetuating round of social, economic and behavioural self-discipline on the one hand, and psychological and emotional release on the other. The extraordinary frankness of the private testimonies of over 1800 metropolitan personalities reveals to us a middle class obsessed with the moral segregation of working people, and – in contrast to much social history / Au début du 20e siècle, le démographe Charles Booth, les ministres des églises, chapelles et missions de Londres, les milliers de paroissiennes charitables et les ouvriers de Londres ont tous un trait en commun : une immense insécurité. Les carnets inédits de Charles Booth sur les influences religieuses, qui forment la troisième partie de son enquête magistrale intitulée Life and Labour of the People in London (1889-1903), nous apprennent qu'en réponse à cette insécurité, tous se raccrochent à une certaine idéologie morale et religieuse. La présente dissertation réfère pour la première fois à l'ensemble des archives. Booth se sert de son idéologie morale pour diviser la classe ouvrière de la capitale en citoyens respectables et non respectables et, pour ces derniers, recommande d'autorité les colonies de travail. Ecclésiastiques et travailleuses sociales appliquent leur propre mélange de religion et de science pour venir en aide aux indigents, pendant que les âmes charitables s'efforcent avec non moins de rigueur de distinguer les démunis d'entre les démunis. Le scientifique religieux et le religieux scientifique commettent la même erreur d'appellation en parlant de leur idéologie. On voit Booth qualifier son travail social de « scientifique ». Clergé et paroissiennes parlent quant à eux d'un idéal chrétien fondé sur l'amour du prochain et la solidarité. En pratique, tous opèrent la même ségrégation à l'égard des pauvres, spécialement dans le domaine de la charité, et leur idéologie a ses racines dans l'évangélisme. La grande contribution de l'enquête de Booth sera de démontrer que les ouvriers de la métropole ne se perçoivent pas comme une classe ouvrière, ni même comme une classe de gens « rudes » mais « respectables », mais plutôt comme constituant une hiérarchie sociale pauvre-mais-respectable. Leur vie se caractérise par la ronde sans cesse renouvelée de l'autodiscipline sociale, économique et$

Adam von Trott resisted the National Socialist Government in Germany between 1933-1944. He was executed, at the age of thirty-five, on August 26, 1944for his part in the July 20, 1944 attempted coup d'etat. On January 30, 1933, he immediately voiced his opposition to the new regime. As a socialist, Trott believed that the Nazi regime and the capitalist Democracies were on the same moral plane. Both systems needed to be replaced by a socialist order. To alleviate the brutality of Nazi Germany, Trott assisted Jews, socialists and communists, who suffered persecution under the regime. In 1937, he perceived that there were powerful forces working for peace in Germany, but that he could not make a substantial contribution. He retreated to America and the Far East. His travels liberated him from his search for a unifying philosophy to inform his actions. When he returned to Germany in November 1938, he was prepared to fully translate his political thought into pragmatic action. The Nazi pogrom against the Jews and the threat of Germany's domination of Europe convinced Trott that the Nazi regime, compared to the WesternDemocracies, was extraordinarily evil and had to be removed. His resistance initiatives in Britain and America in 1939-1940 were intended to facilitate an overthrow of the Nazi regime and the subsequent establishment of a peaceful, socialist European order through an organic, co-operative process. This study of Trott's political thought and action is based on a full examination of the primary sources, including hitherto unused memoranda and the FBI file on Trott. / Adam von Trott résista au gouvernement nationasocialiste allemand de 1933 à 1944. Il fut exécuté le26 août 1944, à l'âge de 35 ans, pour sa participation à la tentative de coup d'état du 20 juillet 1944. Ilavait exprimé son opposition au régime dès le 30 janvier 1933. En tant que socialiste, Trott considérait que le régime nazi et les démocraties capitalistes étaient moralement équivalents, et il souhaitait leur remplacement par l'avènement d'un ordre socialiste. Face à la brutalité du régime nazi, il s'engagea activement auprès des Juifs, des socialistes et des communistes, tous victimes de persécution. En 1937, malgré la présence d'éléments favorables à la paix en Allemagne, il se sentit impuissant à y contribuer de façon significative et il partit alors en Amérique et en Extrême-Orient. Ces voyages lui permirent de faire le point et d'abandoner l'exigence préalable d'une philosophie unifiée sur laquelle fonder son action. A son retour en Allemagne, en novembre 1938, il était prêt à passer des idées aux actes. Le pogrom contre les Juifs de novembre 1938 et la menace d'une Europe dominée par Allemagne le convainquirent de la nature criminelle du régime nazi, désormais sans comparaison avec les démocraties occidentales, ainsi que de la nécessité de le détruire. En 1939-1940 son engagement dans la résistance lui fit entreprendre des démarches auprès de la Grand-Bretagne et des Etats-Unis dans le but de faciliter le renversement du régime nazi et son remplacement par une Europe socialiste, pacifique, et engagée dans un processus de coopération. Cette étude de la pensée et de l'action politique d'Adam von Trott se fonde sur un examen complet des sources primaires qui comprennent également des mémorandums auparavant négligés, ainsi que les documents de son dossier personnel provenant des archives du FBI. fr

The Crimean War was fought far outside its namesake peninsula in the Black Sea Region. Between 1854 and 1856, Anglo-French naval forces attacked the Russian Empire in the Baltic, White Sea, and Pacific. These campaigns receive little attention from modern historians, and much of the work that does exist relies on a limited number of English-language sources. This dissertation, on the other hand, is a comprehensive examination of these campaigns built on a foundation of primary documents written in English, French, and Russian. It also synthesizes relevant secondary scholarship in order to provide a comprehensive background for the three major European belligerents and to consider the perspectives of the other polities impacted by the conflict, specifically Sweden-Norway, Denmark, China, and Japan. This work's approach yields a more complete understanding of the worldwide context in which the Crimean War occurred. Ultimately, the wide-ranging imperial conflict that emerges starkly contrasts with customary depictions of the conflict as a petty, regionalized example noteworthy only as a cautionary tale of failed diplomacy and generalship or as a venue for advances is battlefield medicine, journalism, and photography. / La Guerre de Crimée se déroula aussi hors de sa péninsule éponyme dans la région de la Mer Noire. Entre 1854 et 1856, des forces franco-britanniques attaquèrent l'Empire Russe dans la Mer Baltique, la Mer Blanche, ainsi que dans l'Océan Pacifique. Ces campagnes ont reçu peu d'attention de la part des historiens des temps modernes, et la majorité de ces effort se basent seulement sur des sources anglaises. Au contraire, ce mémoire contient une analyse exhaustive de ces campagnes se basant sur des documents originaux anglais, français et russes. Il synthétise les études modernes dans le but d'offrir un arrière-plan complet pour les trois grandes puissances européennes, ainsi que dans le but de considérer les perspectives des autres puissances impactées par le conflit, en particulier la Suède-Norvège, le Danemark, la Chine et le Japon. L'approche de cette étude offre une compréhension exhaustive du contexte mondial dans lequel la Guerre de Crimée se déroula. Finalement, le conflit impérial de grande envergure qui émerge s'oppose aux présentations usuelles du conflit comme étant un insignifiant exemple régional de note seulement comme un avertissement d'une diplomatie et d'une stratégie échouée, ou simplement comme une avenue pour des progrès dans la médecine de guerre, le journalisme ainsi que la photographie.

This dissertation undertakes a study of David Hume's philosophical publishing life with the intention of delineating his complex and inadequately understood intellectual output and asserting the cultural importance of his work after his first book, A Treatise of Human Nature. It uses a broad definition of the word "philosophical publication," taking into account Hume's books as well as his works in periodicals and newspapers and his contributions to convivial gatherings. It follows Hume's critical examination of his publishing style after the commercial and critical failure of the Treatise, showing how he developed a nuanced theory of how philosophical publications functioned in a large and open print marketplace. This hinged on striking a balance between popular and academical forms of writing, which were apt for polite and rigorous types of philosophy, respectively. Working without a university position or other traditional forms of patronage, he manipulated publishing conventions in the print marketplace in an attempt to create a medium for conveying a novel and complex system of philosophy in a language and format that appealed to a large readership. This entailed exerting a high degree of control over the printing and marketing of his books. This study treats his collection Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects as the culmination of this process, examining the ways in which Hume, in conjunction with his printers and booksellers, fashioned it as both a commodity and an intellectual work with the hope that it would sell widely and gain philosophical assent. The significance of his philosophical publishing life is assessed, revealing great success on the commercial print market, mixed success at gaining philosophical assent, and deep significance in the cultural sphere of Scottish Enlightenment literati. This study argues that even though Hume produced a work of philosophy that was widely purchased, his ambitions of effecting philosophical revolution were not achieved, and scope of his influence is more accurately observed in his critique of philosophical writing and his effect on Scottish Enlightenment literary culture. At the conclusion are included a critical bibliography of Hume's philosophical works and a list of questions debated in the Edinburgh Select Society. / Cette thèse examine les publications philosophiques de David Hume, dans l'intention de délinéer ses productions intellectuelles complexes et insuffisamment comprises, tout en affirmant l'importance culturelle de son œuvre après l'apparition de son premier livre « Traité de la nature humaine ». Dans cette dissertation, on utilise une définition assez vaste du terme « publications philosophiques». On prend en compte ses livres ainsi que ses périodiques, ses journaux et ses contributions aux réunions conviviales. On examine Hume et son analyse de son propre méthode de publication à la suite de l'échec commercial et critique de la «Traité».  On démontre comment il a développé une théorie nuancé sur la fonctionnement des publications philosophiques dans un marché vaste et ouvert pour les livres. Selon Hume, ceci dépend de  l'équilibre entre les formes populaire et académique de l'écriture, ce qui étaient respectivement appropriés pour la philosophie « polie » et rigoureuse. Travaillant sans aucun poste universitaire ou d'autre forme de parrainage, il a manipulé les conventions du marché d'imprimerie, dans une tentative de créer le moyen de communiquer son nouvel et complexe système de philosophie sous une forme qui attirerait un plus grand public. Ceci a nécessité du contrôle sur l'imprimerie et la mise en marché des œuvres. Dans cette étude, sa collection « Essais et traités sur plusieurs sujets » figure comme la culmination du processus sous mentionné; l'on examine comment cette collection était à la fois un produit et une œuvre intellectuelle pour Hume en conjonction avec ses imprimeurs et vendeurs, dans l'espoir que l'œuvre gagnerait un succès commercial et philosophique avec un grand importance dans le milieu culturel des lettrés de « Lumières Écossaises ». Bien que Hume ait produit une œuvre philosophique populaire, cette étude maintient qu'il n'a pas réussi d'atteindre son but de révolution philosophique et que son influence est plutôt marquée par son critique de l'écriture philosophique et par son effet sur la culture littéraire des « Lumières Écossaises ». La conclusion de la dissertation inclut une bibliographie analytique de son œuvre philosophique et une liste de questions discutées dans la « Société selecte d'Édimbourg ».