The present work employs the detailed study of one case to illustrate a pattern that may well exist in other cases. It must be borne in mind that the subject population comprises approximately one fifth of the Soviet Union (and steadily growing at a rapid pace) and spread across a substantial portion of the Asian continent What is described in the following pages may have taken place with respect to other non-Russian nationalities in the USSR. Therefore, although this work focuses on Central Asian-Russian relations, it constitutes a possible model for analysis and investigation of Soviet policy toward other nationalities. There is strong evidence to indicate that those policies toward history and literature which were applied to Alpamysh have already been employed with respect to various developing countries as well, not the least of which are those bordering the USSR. It is the hope of this writer that this inquiry will induce others to pursue the questions raised here. Various disciplines and area studies might benefit from this investigation, aside from the obvious Central Asian and Soviet studies. The artificial separation of "areas" and disciplines, that have not existed during the evolution of the subject matter, cannot yield complete understanding. Given the restrictions imposed by the Soviet censorship and bureaucracies who control collections of materials and published works, documentation is not exhaustive. It is anticipated that subsequent research shall unearth additional information. Therefore, the temptation to hold back and wait for such new discoveries is immense. I almost succumbed to it, except for the constant reminders from friends and colleagues - among other reasons, pointing to the number of copies of the manuscript I had circulated in the academic community for comments and criticism who have insistently hounded me to go to print. I do so with mixed feelings, for, since the completion of this manuscript, a German translation (GDR printing) of Alpamysh has been issued It was translated not from the original, but from an earlier Russian translation. Moreover, it has been discovered that at least one, or perhaps two additional printings of Alpamysh have been offered for sale in Central Asia.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of English, 2005. / Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 149-155).

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My thesis focuses on the ideological development of the Maximalist Revisionist Zionist leader Abba Ahimeir, and positions him more accurately within the contexts of the Zionist Right, the period of his political activity, and the Zionist movement in general. Through an examination of his doctoral thesis on Oswald Spengler and first publications, I conclude that Spenglerian theory exerted a fundamental influence upon Ahimeir throughout his entire life, and that his embrace of Fascist ideology began six years earlier than is generally accepted. I thus contend that Ahimeir's ideological path was already set in 1924, far earlier than is generally believed. A survey of his journalistic output, while a member of the moderately socialist party HaPoel HaTzair, shows that Ahimeir's apparent shift from Left to Right was not the radical defection that it is currently considered to be. A study of primary source archival material allows me to demonstrate that as a leader of the Revisionist Youth Group Betar and instructor in its Leadership Training School, Ahimeir's ideological influence upon Revisionist youth was far greater than is commonly accepted. A discussion of more general intellectual-historical concepts - Spenglerian-, Fascist-, and Revolutionary- theory, Jewish Völkisch-nationalism, secular Messianism - allows me to re-weight certain ideological outlooks in the current body of research regarding Ahimeir, the Revisionist Party, and the Zionist Left. Notably, I suggest we view Ahimeir as a 'Revolutionary' who used Fascism merely as a modus operandi in the service of his revolution. This particularistic ideological outlook was exemplified in his semi-clandestine, anti-British resistance group Brit HaBiryonim, as a thorough examination of court documents from the group's trial demonstrates. The study provides the first intellectual biography of one of the most influential figures on the Zionist Right, and rights some historical wrongs that exist within Revisionist- and Labour-Zionist myths, and indeed, Israeli collective memory.

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This thesis examines the 1981 hunger strike by republican prisoners in Northern Ireland against the removal of special category status from newly convicted paramilitary prisoners on 1 March 1976, the fast was part of a protest that began in 1976. The thesis opens with an examination of the origins of the Provisional Irish Republican Army in 1969 and the emergence of a younger leadership in the late 1970's, and evaluates the significance of the prisons in Irish history. The development of the prisoners protests ranging from the refusal to put on a uniform and perform prison work to the rejection of sanitary or washing facilities, is analysed. The prisoners demands are examined in the context of British and international law. The campaign in support of the republican prisoners conducted outside the Maze Prison, including the formation of the Relatives Action Committee and the National H-Block/Armagh Committee is surveyed, and the female "dirty" protest at Armagh Prison is examined. The medical, ethical, and moral dilemmas presented by hunger striking are identified and the thesis examines the debate whether the men who died were suicides or martyrs. The 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes are examined with particular attention to the efforts to bring about a compromise with the British government and the factors leading to a new hunger strike in 1981 and to the intervention of the Catholic Church with the prisoners relatives which ended the fast. The hunger strike is analysed regarding its effect internationally in building up republican support, and in the Province where it acted as the base for the future success of Provisional Sinn Fein later in the decade.

O trabalho tem como tema central a Companhia de Aprendizes-Marinheiro de Santa Catarina, instituição instalada no ano de 1858 nas cidades de Desterro e Laguna. A abordagem sobre a Companhia tem como pretensão compreender as estruturas de poder que estiveram envolvidas com a instituição, em uma conjuntura de rearranjos do Estado Monárquico após o Período Regencial. Essa investigação sobre as estruturas de poder relacionada à promoção da Companhia de Aprendizes-Marinheiro revela agendas políticas desdobradas desde o processo de Independência do Brasil voltadas, em um primeiro momento, para a criação de forças de repressão através dos alistamentos militares, seguidos, de uma profissionalização dos trabalhadores marítimos como forma de estabelecer um contingente militar condizente com as necessidades do Estado imperial. Nesse sentido, a inserção da Companhia de Aprendizes- Marinheiro, reacende debates historiográficos, nos quais, o federalismo, ou os poderes descentralizadores do Império, tem parte importante no funcionamento dessa instituição militar. / The main theme of this research is the Companhia de Aprendizes-Marinheiros de Santa Catarina (Company of Marines Apprentices of Santa Catarina), an institution founded in the year of 1858 in the cities of Desterro and Laguna. The approach regarding the Companhia is to understand the structures of power that were involved with the institution, in a conjuncture of rearrangements of the Monarchical State after the regency period. This investigation on the power structures related to the promotion of the Companhia de Aprendizes-Marinheiros reveals political agendas deployed since the process of Independence of Brazil. Agendas that initially aimed at creating forces of repression through military enlistment, followed by a professionalization of maritime workers, as a way of establishing a military contingent consistent with the needs of the Imperial State. In this sense, the insertion of the Companhia de Aprendizes-Marinheiros revives some historiographic debates, in which federalism, or the decentralizing powers of the Empire, plays an important part in the functioning of this military institution.

This submission for PhD by Publication includes two studies I conducted during 8 years of dedicated field research examining the US role in mediating the Arab-Israeli conflict. These studies developed from my collection of in-depth oral testimonies and were buttressed by my recovery and examination of troves of original documents that had been previously denied any public, much less academic, scrutiny. The scope of this qualitative research and my political and historical analysis of it resulted in two published books that chronicle the unsuccessful American efforts to negotiate Arab-Israeli peace agreements during the presidencies of William Clinton, George W. Bush, and the first term of Barack Obama. In order of publication, they are The Truth About Camp David (New York: Nation Books, 2004) and The Palestine Papers: The End of the Road? (London: Hesperus Press, 2011). The original academic contribution of both works was the presentation of new empirical evidence to advance understanding of how heavily biased American mediation severely damaged this diplomatic undertaking. Despite being a solidly pro-Israel country, the United States had previously been able to achieve some notable mediation successes when it made efforts to adopt an “even-handed” approach. Yet in the period covered by both my books, I demonstrated how top American mediators—comprised of mostly pro-Israel partisans—dismissed any pretext of impartiality, and in most instances even escalated their mediation bias. This behavior has exacerbated the Arab-Israeli conflict and made the stated aim of a comprehensive peace a very distant prospect. The Truth About Camp David was intended as a first rough draft of history. The title references the famous summit convened by President Clinton in July 2000 that failed to forge peace between Israelis and Palestinians and the overarching US-led “peace process” around it which contributed to the outbreak of the Second Intifada. The book also details the effort to conclude an Israeli-Syrian peace agreement at Geneva just months before, which also failed. My research advanced the thesis that both the Geneva and Camp David summits were historic miscarriages of diplomacy by my presentation of granular insider accounts revealing the intensity of American mediation bias. I also exposed the general disorganization of its negotiating team, a dysfunction that was largely unknown to the public prior to my book’s release. My primary purpose in writing The Truth About Camp David was thus to enable its reinterpretation by making public new evidence about this watershed moment and the period surrounding it. Relying primarily on oral history, I interviewed US, Arab, Israeli and European officials who were first-hand participants to collect their personal narratives. I sought to identify discrepancies in their accounts, and attempted to reconcile them through further interviews, document interrogation, and my own analysis. A key challenge of The Truth About Camp David was thus to weave a thread through the various testimonies and present, as best as I could, a coherent historical narrative. Following that, my aim was to have it reviewed and discussed among credible scholars and the foreign policy community. The testimonies within The Truth About Camp David directly challenged the official narrative and prevailing media orthodoxy at the time of Palestinian blame and Syrian intransigence. As a result, it helped reframe both political debate and academic scholarship concerning this crucial period of American diplomatic intervention. In 2006, The Truth About Camp David was translated into Arabic, giving its contents even greater reach. My 2011 book “The Palestine Papers: The End of the Road?” continued my earlier line of inquiry and was largely based on documents given to me the year prior, referred to as “The Palestine Papers,” the largest leak of confidential negotiating records in the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Published in full by Al Jazeera Media Network, and in limited partnership with the UK’s Guardian newspaper, the content of the files generated headlines around the world from January 24-27, 2011. My additional research for The Palestine Papers was released in May 2011 as an anthology of select papers with my accompanying qualitative analysis and interpretation rather than a stylistic mediation critique. My aim in writing “The Palestine Papers: The End of the Road?” publication was to reach beyond Al Jazeera and Guardian audiences and equip interested scholars, practitioners, and skeptics with essential highlights from the papers as well as an analytical framework to put them into context. My research for The Palestine Papers sought to help reconcile the intervening gap of negotiating history from Truth About Camp David, following the trajectory of how Israelis and Palestinians alike had grown even more conditioned to expect if not rely upon biased American mediation that excessively tilts toward Israel. The Palestine Papers also catalogues for the first time the dynamics that enabled US negotiators to escalate its role from being the self-appointed judge of Palestinian negotiating behavior during the talks (in the Camp David 2000 era) to the unilateral “juror” of its final-status positions (evidenced by the presidencies of George W Bush and Barack Obama). A supplemental essay included in this submission analyzes an earlier diplomatic era to advance my thesis of how far US mediation bias has traveled since America assumed the principal negotiator role of the Arab-Israeli conflict in the early 1970’s. Indeed, based on the overarching narrative that evolve from both those publications and this essay, it is entirely predictable to see how America’s mediation posture has matured into the era of extreme pro-Israel bias that now characterizes the approach of the Trump Administration. I will interpret this collective diplomatic history using a range of multidisciplinary academic theories addressing biased mediation in international conflict resolution. Then, by drawing on the scholarship from my previous books, I will assess and critique the theoretical benefits of employing biased mediators in conflict resolution—as some prominent scholars have advocated for. By taking a fresh look at earlier Arab-Israeli negotiations led by Henry Kissinger under President’s Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford, I am able to make even greater contrast to that very limited era when biased American mediation in the Arab-Israeli conflict appeared to yield limited success. The process of applying the scholarship of others against the knowledge created from my own published works enable me to demonstrate in this essay that the present day American negotiating bias toward Israel largely exceeds what the normative scholarship on mediation bias envisaged.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2005-03-17Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:22:28Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 mello_cja_dr_assis.pdf: 793740 bytes, checksum: 8d3ed3a1b9dd0ef16fd827a6615be834 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Análise crítica comparativa de três romances históricos contemporâneos de língua portuguesa, publicados no último quartel do século XX: Catatau (1975), do brasileiro Paulo Leminski, As naus (1984), do português António Lobo Antunes, e A gloriosa família: o tempo dos flamengos (1997), do angolano Pepetela. Adotando a metodologia sociocrítica, que considera as obras como práticas culturais das sociedades a que pertencem, parte do discurso social presente nas obras para estudar o aspecto político-ideológico dos procedimentos estéticos, sobretudo os filiados ao pós-modernismo, utilizados para estabelecer um diálogo com a história, que envolve a problematização em torno da formação da identidade. Analisa a ênfase dada a recursos como a auto-reflexividade e a intertextualidade, os quais acentuam a dimensão discursiva, imaginativa e relativa da História, com o fim de explicitar nas narrativas as suas subjacentes concepções de representação, de realidade, de verdade, com os fundamentos epistemológicos do materialismo histórico dialético. A justificativa para essa delimitação deve-se ao gênero das obras, romance histórico, o qual engendra questões relacionadas à construção de um modelo utópico de sociedade e à existência de uma verdade, como se nota na opção pela revisão da História, em meio a um panorama de desencanto das esquerdas com a construção de um projeto alternativo ao hegemônico, da sociedade do sistema capitalista. O objetivo é verificar em que medida se configura nas obras a dialética entre radicalidade estética e ideológica, voltadas para a problematização da condição de dominação do homem na construção da tradição, com o intuito de perceber a validade de se considerar os romances como de oposição à História oficial ou à ordem dominante. A comparação entre os três romances permite... / Comparative critic analysis of three contemporary historic novels of Portuguese language, published in the last quarter of the century XX: Catatau (1975), by the Brazilian Paulo Leminski, As Naus (1984), by the Portuguese Antonio Lobo Antunes, and A Gloriosa família: O tempo dos flamengos (1997), by the Angolan Pepetela. Adopting the sociocritical methodology, which considers the works as cultural practices of the societies they belong to, arises from the social discussion present in the works with the objective to study the political-ideologic aspect of the aesthetic procedures, mainly the ones affiliated to the post-modernism, used to establish a dialogue with the history, that comprises the troubling around the identity formation. It analyses the emphasys given to resources such as the auto-reflexivity and the intertextuality, which accentuate the discursive, imaginative and relative dimension of the History, in order to demonstrate in the narratives its unstated conceptions of representation, of reality, of truth, with the epistemologic basis of the historic dialectic materialism. The justification for this delimitation has to do with the type of the works, historic novel, which engender questions related to the construction of a utopian model of society and to the existence of a truth, as it is realized when it is opted for the review of the History, within a panorama of disenchanting of the Left caused by a construction of an alternative project through the hegemonic, of the Capitalist system society.The objective is verify how it is configured in the works the dialectics between the aesthetic and ideological radicalism, directed to the troubling of the condition of dominance of the man on the tradition construction, with the intention of noticing the validity of considering the novels as an opposition to the official History, or to the dominant order. The comparation among... (Complete abstract, click electronic access below)

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