Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.

Thesis (DTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2002 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: JOHN CALVIN is said to have played a significant role not only in the shaping of Western Christianity, but also in the shaping of Western culture. An adequate appreciation of his thought therefore remains of ongoing significance. In the history of Calvin scholarship, varied interpretations of him have been presented, though in the recent past there has been a growing disinclination towards presenting a coherent exposition of his thought. In the context of these disintegrative proposals, a counter-argument is presented for the viability and desirability of a comprehensive construal of Calvin's thought along historical-theological lines. The argument primarily takes shape by locating Calvin within the sixteenth century intellectual milieu, and particularly by means of uncovering the epistemological consciousness of the Reformation period in reaction to the Renaissance revival of scepticism. The nature of human knowledge, particularly of God, was at the forefront of the sixteenth-century intellectual debate. Calvin, reformer and humanist, was particularly sensitive to this climate, as is illustrated by the Institutia which took the form of a discourse on knowing. However, the theme of knowing God on the basis of Scriptural revelation alone is prevalent in all his work, as an investigation into his neglected writings confirms. It also emerges that the kind of knowledge that Calvin advanced was experimental in nature and Trinitarian in foundation. Experientia and certitude disclosed the dynamic and proof of knowing God on an economic-Trinitarian and soteriological basis. This aspect of Calvin's thought has been overlooked in spite of its relevance to the contemporary post-Kantian crisis of knowing. Having sketched the epistemological background, Calvin's Trinitarian doctrina is examined. A historical-theological orientation to the doctrine provides the framework for appreciating Calvin's axiomatic exposition of the Trinity in the history of doctrinal formulation. Calvin's Trinitarian doctrina is unpacked by means of a historical review in relation to his Trinitarian debates, and by means of its definitive exposition in the 1559 Institutio. Through these, it becomes apparent that he displayed a hitherto mostly unrecognised theological acumen in assimilating Western (Augustinian) and Eastern (Cappadocian) aspects of Trinitarian doctrine due to his exegetical priority. What emerges is a Trinitarian doctrine that affirms God's Triunuy and translates into God's Person-al knowability. This thesis is confirmed by a discussion of Calvin's Trinitarian explication of the Christian life, and is shown to complement the previously highlighted emphasis on knowing. Recovering Calvin's Trinitarian doctrina is therefore of great consequence to post-Enlightenment and contemporary theological debates on God and the Trinity. It naturally follows that both Trinity and certitude were woven into the fabric of Calvin's God-centred hermeneutics. All of his exegetical labour, from Commentary to Instiuaio to Preaching, was focused on hearing the voice of the Triune God speaking in the Word under the sure guidance of the Holy Spirit. The final presentation of a comprehensive interpretation of Calvin is viewed in the light of the transmission of Reformed theology. Knowing the Triune God has the power to confirm and rejuvenate Calvin's theological vision amongst those who view him as their progenitor. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: DIT IS al van Calvyn gese dat hy 'n beduidende rol gespeel het, nie aileen met bettekking tot die vorming van die Westerse Christendom nie, maar ook wat betref die hele Westerse kultuur. 'n Toereikende evaluering van sy denke is dus steeds van belang. Binne die omvang van Calvyn navorsing is daar alreeds 'n verskeidenheid van interpretasies van Calvyn aangebied, hoewel daar 'n toenemende teensin teen die voorlegging van 'n samehangende uiteensetting van Calvyn in die onlangse verlede na vore gekom het. In die konteks van hierdie laasgenoemde standpunte word 'n teenargument aangebied vir die uitvoerbaarheid en ook die wenslikheid van 'n omvattende uitlegging van Calvyn se denke, in ooreenstemming met 'n histories-teologiese grondslag. Calvyn word binne die sestiende-eeuse intellektuele mileu geplaas deur die epis temologiese denke van die Reformasie as reaksie teen die Renaissance oplewing van skeptisisme bloot te Ie. Die aard van menslike kennis, veral die mens se kennis van God, was op die voorpunt van die sestiende-eeuse intellektuele debat, en Calvyn as, hervormer en humanis was baie bewus van hierdie debat. Dit blyk o.m. duidelik uit die lnstitutio wat die vorm van 'n diskoers oor kennis tentoonstel. Die tema van Godskennis, vanuit 'n Skriftuurlike openbaring as enigste grondslag, tree na vore rue net in die Instiuaio nie, maar in al sy werke. Dit blyk ook uit 'n ondersoek van selfs sy minder bekende werke. Uit die ondersoek kom dit ook na vore dat die tipe kennis wat Calvyn bevorder het, eksperimenteel en Triniter van aard was. Experientia en sekerheid word die bevestiging van Godskennis op 'n ekonomies-Trinitere en soteriologiese basis. Hierdie aspek van Calvyn se denke is misken ten spyte van die belangrikheid daarvan vir die post- Kantiese kennis-krisis. Nadat die epistemologiese agtergrond geskets is, word Calvyn se Triniteitsleer [doctrina} ontleed. 'n Histories-teologiese grondslag vir hierdie leers telling verskaf die raamwerk waarbinne Calvyn se unieke uiteensetting van die Drie-Eenheid in die historiese verloop van dogmatiese formulering waardeer kan word. Calvyn se Triniteitsleer (doctrina) word uiteengesit na aanleiding van sy Triniteits-debatvoering, en na aanleiding van die bepalende uitleg daarvan in die 1559 Insiiuaio. Op hierdie wyse word dit duidelik dat Calvyn as gevolg van sy eksegetiese prioriteit 'n tot op hede grootliks onvermelde insig getoon het in die vereniging van die Westerse (Augustiniese) en Oosterse (Kappadosiese) Triniteits-leerstellinge. Wat aan die lig kom is 'n Triniteits-leerstelling wat God se Drie-Eenbaarheid bevestig, en wat voortvloei in 'n weergawe van God se Persoon-like kenbaarheid. Hierdie tesis word gestaaf deur 'n naspeuring van Calvyn se Triniteits-uiteensetting van die Christelike lewe. Daar word ook aangetoon hoe hierdie standpunte die voorvermelde nadruk op kennis bevestig. Die herontdekking van Calvyn se Triniteitsleer (doctTina) is dus van groot belang vir die post-Verligting en konternporere teologiese debatte oor God en die Drie-Eenheid. Beide Drie-Eenbeid en seeerbeid is ten nouste verweef met Calvyn se God-gesentreerde hermeneutiek. Die somtotaal van sy eksegetiese werk, van Kommentaar na Institutio na Prediking, was daarop gefokus om die stem van die Drie-Enige God onder leiding van die Heilige Gees te hoor. Die poging tot 'n omvattende interpretasie van Calvyn word uiteindelik in die lig van die voortgang van Gereformeerde Teologie beskou. "Om die Drie-enige God te ken" is dus 'n integrerende motief wat Calvyn se teologie bevestig en ook sy werk besonder aktueel maak vir die hedendaagse teologiese debat.

Thesis (DTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2005 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study considers the doctrine of the forensic imputation of Christ's righteousness in both the Great Awakening and the Korean revivals through the six revivalists from the view of the Reformation doctrine oiforensic justification: Jonathan Edwards, Timothy Dwight, Sun-Ju Kil, Ik-Doo Kim, Yong-Do Lee, and Sung-Bong Lee. The key question is whether they maintain the Reformation doctrine of the forensic imputation of Christ's righteousness, affirming the sola fide-sola gratia language of the Reformers such as Martin Luther and John Calvin. The prime concern facing the six revivalists is the question of the status of humanity and the necessity of Christ's righteousness for forensic justification. It is of the utmost importance to see that justification by faith alone is fully embedded in the understanding of union with Christ. Jonathan Edwards stood firmly against any attempt to shrink God's free grace down to the size of human works in justification, following closely the Reformation doctrine of the forensic imputation of Christ's righteousness. Edwards elucidated Adamic and Christologicalforensic union in terms of divine constitution. He firmly held that through union with Christ Christ's alien righteousness is legally transferred or reckoned to the believers. Timothy Dwight, standing in a quite different tradition, rejected Edwards's notion of justification that justification is an absolute unmerited gift of God, apart from human works. Dwight affirmed neither prevenient grace nor justification in the Reformation terms of solajide, sola gratia, sola scriptura, solus Christus, sola Deo Gloria, a iustitia aliena (an alien righteousness), and a iustitia extra nos (a righteousness apart from us). By stressing the power of the human will, Sun-Ju Kil clearly thought that justification is exclusively an act of human beings. Kil's view of the act of faith alone made all the difference in imputation, connecting the wicked to the righteousness of Christ. Ik-Doo Kim also departed from the Reformation doctrine ofJorensic justification in failing to present the implications of Christ's imputed righteousness. Kim's doctrine of the power of prayer determined his view of justification. Kim's notion of repentance centered on the act of faith through prayer, which made Luther's solajide a human work or accomplishment in the imputation of Christ's righteousness. Yong-Do Lee placed his understanding of the justification of the wicked within the setting of the principle of oneness with Christ, with which he laid the foundation for the double exchange of life in his theology. Lee did not recognize a necessary connection between justification and the free grace of the sovereign God. Although Sung-Bong Lee found considerable depth in the imputation of Christ's righteousness in comparison with the three Korean revivalists, he failed effectively to distinguish between justification and sanctification. Lee's decisive proposal of union with Christ cannot be identified as the Reformation doctrine offorensic imputation. This study suggested that the five revivalists except Jonathan Edwards were unwilling to favor the Reformation doctrine offorensic justification regarding original sin, alien righteousness, union with Christ, and the forensic imputation of Christ's righteousness to the wicked. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word die forensiese siening van die leer van die regverdiging tydens die Amerikaanse Great Awakening en die Koreaanse revivals, in die teologie van Jonathan Edwards en Timothy Dwight enersyds, en Sun-Jul Kil, Ik-Doo Kim, Young- Do Lee en Sung-Bong Lee andersyds, ondersoek. 'n Kemkwessie is die vraag of hierdie opwekkingspredikers en teoloe getrou bly aan die Reformatoriese leer van die toerekening van Christus se geregtigheid soos dit tot uitdrukking kom in die aksent op solajide - sola gratia by Maartin Luther en Johannes Calvyn. Sentraal is die vraag na die staat van die mens en die noodsaaklikheid van Christus se geregtigheid vir forensiese regverdiging. Dit is van die grootste belang om te verstaan dat regverdiging deur die geloof aileen, onlosmaaklik verbonde is met die verstaan van ons eenheid met Christus. In aansluiting by die Reformatoriese leer van die forensiese toerekening van Christus se geregtigheid, verset Jonathan Edwards hom teen enige poging om deur goeie werke God se vrye genade te kompromiteer. Edwards verstaan Adamitiese en Christologiese forensiese eenheid in terme van goddelike konstitusie. Hy hou vas aan die oortuiging dat op grond van die gelowiges se eenheid met Christus, laasgenoemde se geregtigheid juridies oorgedra en toegereken word aan eersgenoemde. Timothy Dwight staan binne 'n heeltemal ander tradisie en verwerp Edward se opvatting van regverdiging as 'n totaal onverdiende gawe van God onafhanklik van menslike werke. Dwight onderskryf nog die leer van die voorafgaande genade, nog die Reformatoriese leer van die regverdiging in terme van sola jide, sola gratia, sola scriptura, solus Christus, soli Deo Gloria. Ook aanvaar hy nie die iustitia aliena (vreemde geregtigheid) en die iustitia extra nos ('n geregtigheid buite ons) me. As gevolg van sy aksent op die krag van die menslike wil is dit duidelik dat Sun-Ju-Kil regverdiging eksklusiefverstaan as 'n menslike daad. Sy siening van die daad van geloof aIleen maak 'n groot verskil deurdat die goddelose daardeur verbind word met Christus se geregtigheid. Doo-Kim wyk ook afvan die Reformatoriese leer van forensiese regverdiging aangesien hy nie daarin slaag om die implikasies van Christus se toegerekende geregtigheid uit te spel nie. Sy leer van die krag van gebed bepaal sy siening van die regverdiging. Sy opvatting van berou word gedra deur sy aksent op geloof-deur-gebed waardeur die sola fide soos geleer deur Luther, verander word in 'n menslike prestasie wat die imputasie van Christus se geregtigheid tot gevolg het. Yong-Do Lee verstaan die regverdiging van die goddelose binnne die beginsel van ons eenheid met Christus wat as basis dien vir die "dubbele ruil" in sy teologie. Hy sien nie 'n noodsaaklike relasie tussen regverdiging en die soewereine, vrye genade van God nie. Hoewel Sung-Bong Lee in vergelyking met die ander drie, heelwat diepte vind in die toerekening van Christus se geregtigheid, slaag hy nie daarin om duidelik te onderskei tussen regverdiging en heiliging nie. Sy deurslaggewende voorstel ten opsigte van die gelowiges se eenheid met Christus, kan nie vereenselwig word met die Reformatoriese leer van forensiese imputasie nie. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie is dat, met die uitsondering van Jonathan Edwards, hierdie opwekkingspredikers en teoloe onwillig was om die Reformatoriese leer van die forensiese regverdiging met betrekking tot erfsonde, eenheid met Christus, en die forensiese toerekening van Christus se geregtigheid aan die sondaars, te onderskryf.

Thesis (DTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2000 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Christian faith knows and worships one God known in the Son and in the Holy Spirit. In his revelation, the Father is depicted as being from Himself, the Son as eternally begotten from the Father and the Holy Spirit as eternally proceeding from the Father and the Son. This is what Christian thought means by the doctrine of the Trinity. Although Christian orthodoxy holds the doctrine of the Trinity, the intellectual tools used to capture and convey it vary depending on the epoch, cultural context as well as availability of alternative intellectual images. This point is demonstrated well in Western Christianity. Western theologies exhibit three models of the doctrine of the Trinity: 'God as Essence', 'God as an absolute Subject', and 'God as Community in Unity'. These models can be explained by the influence of specific philosophical presuppositions preferred in certain contexts and at certain times. 'God as Essence' is constructed from the point of view of neo-Platonism, 'God as an absolute Subject' uses the infrastructure of German Idealism, while 'God as Community in Unity' recovers and applies the conceptual tools of the second-century Greeks. Taking note of the theological methodology of Western Christianity and recognising the intellectual resources in the African heritage, African inculturation theology has argued for the use of the conceptual framework of African peoples in the development of theology for African audiences. In an attempt to make a statement to the effect that African Negroes are not neo-Platonists, German Idealists or the Greeks of the second century, and to demonstrate that the African Negroes do have a different ontology that can be deciphered, interpreted, and systematized in one common way, African inculturation theology has posited a simple identity between the African notions of God and God known in the Christian faith. This research assesses and finds inadequate the notion of a simple identity between the African concepts of God and the Christian understanding of God. In view of this it appeals to African inculturation theology to critically and creatively deal with the African Christians' understanding of God. This call means at least two things. Firstly, Nyasaye, Mulungu, Modimo and so on are to function as the conceptual gates for the Christian view of God. This calls for 'Christianisation' of the African notions of God. Secondly, a 'Christianised' Nyasaye, for example, must for the Luo people mean God known in the Son and the Holy Spirit. The 'Christianised' Nyasaye must then make use of native metaphysics for the purpose of indigenising or grounding it in the cultural milieu of the situation of reception. To achieve this goal, this research has located and proposed the NTU metaphysics, which is used widely by African Negroes. According to this metaphysics, God is not just a static 'substance', an authoritarian 'absolute Subject', or a mere relationship; God is 'Great Muntu'. The Son is God because he derives wholly from the whole NTU of the only 'Great Muntu'. The Holy Spirit is God because he has the NTU shared by both the 'Great Muntu' and the Son. The Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit are persons because the 'genuine muntu' in them is the 'Great Muntu', who alone is the ultimate person. Thus the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit are persons in the ultimate sense. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Christelike geloof ken en aanbid een God in die Seun deur die Heilige Gees. In sy openbaring leer ons die Vader ken as synde uit Homself, die Seun as van ewigheidheid verwek deur Vader, en die Heilige Gees as van ewigheid uitgaande van die Vader en die Seun. Dit is wat die Christelike geloof bedoel met die leer van die Triniteit. Alhoewel die Christlike ortodoksie gekenmerk word deur die leer van die Triniteit, varieer die intellectuele vorm wat dit aanneem en waarin dit oorgedra word afhangende van die tydperk, kulturele konteks sowel as die beskikbaarheid van altematiewe intellektuele aparatuur. Laasgenoemde kom duidelik na vore in die geskiedenis van die Westerse Christenheid. In die geskiedenis van die Westerse teologie vertoon die leer van die Triniteit drie gestaltes nl. 'God as Essensie', 'God as absolute Subjek', en 'God as Gemeenskaap in Eenheid'. Dit hou verband met die voorkeur vir spesifieke filisofiese voorverondersellings in sekere kontekste en tye. 'God as Essensie' is die resultaat van neo-Platoniese voorveronderstellings, 'God as absolute Subjek' dra die kenmerke van die Duitse Idealisme, terwyl 'God as Gemeenskap in Eenheid' terggryp op en gebruikmaak van die konseptuele aparatuur uit die Griekse denke van tweede eeu. Na aanleiding van die teologiese metode van die Westerse Christendom en met erkenning van die intellectuele moontlikhede van die Afrika erfenis, argurnenteer die Afrika inkulturasie teologie ten gunste van die gebruik van Afrika konsepte vir die ontwikkeling van 'n teologie vir Afrika. In 'n poging om die eie en gemeenskaplike aard van die ontologie van Afrika in onderskeid van die neo-Platoniste, Duitse Idealiste en Griekse filosofie van die tweede eeu, aan te toon, het die Afrika inkulturasie teologie op 'n simplistiese wyse 'n identeit tussen Afrika Godsbeelde en die God van die Christelike geloof geponeer. In hierde navorsing word hierde identifikasie beoordeel en van die hand gewys. Derhalwe word 'n appel gemaak op die Afrika inkulturasie teologie om krities-kreatief om te gaan met die Afrika Christene se verstaan van God. Hierde oproep het ten minste twee implikasies. In die eerste plek moet Nyasaye, Mulungu, Modimo, ens. dien as konseptuele poorte vir die Christlike Godsverstaan. Dit impliseer 'n 'Christianisering' van die Afrika Godsbeelde. Tweedens bring dit mee dat 'n 'gechristianiseerde' Nyasaye by voorbeeld, vir Luo volk impliseer dat God geken word in die Seun en die Heilige Gees. Vervolgens moet gebruik gemaak word van inheemse metafisika met die oop op die verinheemsing of fundering van hierdie 'gechristianiseerde' Nyasaye in die kulturele milieu van die resepsie gemeenskap. Om hierdie doel te bereik, word in hierde studie gebruik gemaak van die NTU metafisika, wat algemen in Afrika voorkom. Volgens hierde metafisika is God nie net 'n statiese 'substansie', n' outoritere 'absolute Subject' of 'n blote relasie nie, maar God is die 'Groot Muntu'. Die Seun is God omdat Hy volkome uitgaan uit die totale NTU van die enigste 'Groot Muntu'. Die Heilige Gees is God omdat Hy die NTU het wat die 'Groot Muntu' en die Seun gemeenskaplik besit. Die Vader, die Seun en die Heilige Gees is persone omdat die 'egte muntu' in hulle die 'Groot Muntu' is, wat allen die absolute persoon is. Derhalwe is Vader, Seun en Heilige Gees persone in absolute sin.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is a historical-theological inquiry into the social thought of John Calvin through the lens of the “Calvin” of the church struggle with the purpose of recovering his doctrines of two kingdoms and natural law for Christianity and culture discourse in South Africa today. This thesis enters into conversation with a body of scholarship in North America that has sought to recover and refine these early Reformed theological categories, which is suggestive of their promise in other contexts. Is there perhaps a compelling alternative to the apartheid and antiapartheid “transformationist” reading of Calvin, which might provide some resolution to his contested legacy as well as more adequately equip the church as it engages the challenges of life in South Africa’s young democracy? In order to answer such questions, this thesis sets out on the road back to Calvin through the lens of his appropriation in the church struggle, with the hope of gaining instruction in cultivating a more faithful historical hermeneutic. Once in sixteenth-century Geneva, both the theology and practice of Calvin’s social thought are examined for evidence of substantive doctrines of two kingdoms and natural law. The findings of this historical inquiry generate the claims of this thesis. Central among them is that Calvin did make constructive and meaningful use of the doctrines of two kingdoms and natural law in relating Christianity and culture, church and civil magistrate. Herein lies a different portrait of Calvin, which challenges his previous appropriations in the South African context and offers fresh theological resources for critical reflection in ongoing Christianity and culture discourse. To provide a sense of their ongoing promise, this thesis outlines the major contours of North American theologian and ethicist, David VanDrunen’s, development of the Calvin-informed and early Reformed two kingdoms and natural doctrines as a normative paradigm for Christians living in South Africa today. When considered against the backdrop of Calvin’s contested legacy and the challenges presented by South Africa’s young liberal democracy, this paradigm offers liberating trajectories for the Reformed churches today, and therefore potential for reformation and renewal by “goods” already constituting its broader historic tradition. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie is ’n histories-teologiese ondersoek na die sosiale denke van Johannes Calvyn deur die lens van die “Calvyn” van die strydende kerk, met die doel om sy twee doktrines van twee koninkryke en natuurwet vir die Christendom te herwin asook vir die kultuur-diskoers in Suid- Afrika, vandag. Hierdie tesis tree in gesprek met ’n groep vakkundiges in Noord-Amerika wat streef om hierdie vroeë Gereformeerde teologiese kategorieë te herwin en te verfyn, wat op sigself belowend is in ander kontekste. Is daar dalk ‘n aangrypende alternatief vir die apartheid en anti-apartheid “transformatoriese” lees van Calvyn, wat dalk ’n mate van oplossing vir sy betwiste nalatenskap kan bied, asook om die kerk meer doelmatig toe te rus waar dit betrokke raak by die uitdagings van die lewe in die jong demokrasie van Suid-Afrika? Om hierdie vrae te beantwoord, hebesoek die tesis Calvyn se erfenis deur die lens van sy resepsie tydens die kerklike strud teen apartheid, met die hoop om sodoende ‘n meer getroue historiese hermeneutiek te ontwikkel. Eens terug in sestiende eeuse Genève, word sowel Calvyn se teologie as die praktiese uitvoering van sy sosiale denke ondersoek vir bewyse van die substantiewe doktrines van twee koninkryke en natuurwet. Die bevindings van hierdie historiese ondersoek genereer die bewerings van hierdie tesis. Sentraal in hierdie bewerings is dat Calvyn konstruktief en betekenisvol gebruik gemaak het van die doktrines van twee koninkryke en natuurwet in sover dit relevant is tot die Christendom en kultuur, kerk en burgerlike wetgewing. Hierin lê ’n ander beeld van Calvyn, wat sy vorige toe-eiening in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks uitdaag, asook om vars teologiese middele vir kritiese refleksie in die voortdurende Christelike en kultuur diskoers aan te bied. Om ’n smakie van die volgehoue belofte te gee, bied hierdie tesis ’n oorsig van die hooflyne van die Noord-Amerikaanse teoloog en etikus, David VanDrunen se ontwikkeling van die Calvyn-invloed en vroeë Gereformeerde twee koninkryke en natuur doktrines as ’n normatiewe paradigma vir Christene wat vandag in Suid-Afrika woon. Wanneer hierdie paradigma teen die agtergrond van Calvyn se betwiste nalatenskap en die uitdagings wat Suid-Afrika se jong demokrasie bied, gestel word, dui dit ’n bevrydende rigting vir die Gereformeerde kerke van vandag aan en daarom potensiaal vir reformasie en hernuwing deur ‘goedere’ wat reeds die breë geskiedkundige tradisie onderskryf.

The struggle to read Jer 31:31-34 as Christian Scripture has a long and divided history. Yet remarkably little has been done to grapple with the depth of this struggle in the Christian tradition from the post-Nicene period to the modern era. This thesis attempts to show the value of the tradition as an interlocutor for contemporary exegetical concerns in Christian readings and use of Jer 31:31-34. The study begins with Augustine’s interpretation of the text as an absolute contrast between unbelief and faith, rather than the standard reading (found in Jerome) of a contrast between two successive religio-historical eras - one that governed Israel (the ‘old covenant’) and a new era and its covenant inaugurated in the coming of Christ. Augustine’s absolute contrast loosened the strict temporal concern, so that the faithful of any era were members of the ‘new covenant’. The study traces this reading of an absolute contrast in a few key moments of Christian interpretation: Thomas Aquinas and high medieval theology, then the 16th and 17th century Reformed tradition. The thesis aims at a constructive reading of Jer 31:31-34, and so the struggle identified in these moments in the Christian tradition is brought into dialogue with modern critical discussions from Bernhard Duhm to the present. Finally I turn to an exegetical argument for an ‘Augustinian’ reading of the contrast of the covenants. The study finds that Jer 31:31-34, read in its role in Jeremiah, contrasts Israel’s infidelity with a future idyllic faithfulness to Yhwh: in the new covenant all will be as it always ought to have been. The contrast is thus between two mutually exclusive standings before Yhwh. Thus the study aims to contribute to modern exegetical, theological and ecclesial discussions of ‘old’ and ‘new’ covenants by examining one of the central texts of the discussion in dialogue with parts of the history of interpretatio

In the New Testament and in the early church fathers’ writings, the Son is understood to be ontologically equal to the Father and subordinate to him. Whether understood as ingenerate-generate, sender-sent, commanded-obedient, subordination shows the distinction between the Father and Son. As seen in church history, minimizing these distinctions can lead to modalism and pressing them too far leads to Arianism. In the Bible, obedience or subordination does not mean ontologically inferior. Rather, obedience results from faith and love. Although some fathers connected obedience to Christ’s humanity, they were doing so while rejecting the Arian argument that the Son’s obedience meant he was ontologically inferior. They affirmed the voluntary obedience of the Son as an expression of his love for the Father and rejected any sense of coercion or determinism. The doctrine of the eternal generation of the Son from the Father’s ousia held together the equality and subordination of the Son to the Father. Beginning with Christ’s atoning work rather than metaphysics, P. T. Forsyth and Jürgen Moltmann believe that the Son’s obedience is crucial for the atonement to be the free act of grace of the Sovereign God. Because of this, the Son’s obedience must be divine, and thus eternal. Otherwise, the obedience would be from Christ’s humanity, and humanity would contribute in inappropriate ways to the atonement. They also believe that subordination, obedience, humility, and servanthood complete the understanding of divine love. The unity provided by the same divine love is expressed according to the particularity of the Person. In the Trinitarian relationship, the Son’s eternal obedience is his free response to the Father. Here subordination is not oppression, but perfect love freely given to the perfect Lover. This fuller conception of divine love that a proper emphasis on obedience affords has great potential to help Trinitarain theology contribute to the elimination of oppression and the improvement of human relationships and to do so in a manner consistent with the biblical witness.

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This thesis takes the hagiographical texts written in the diocese of Liège between approximately 700 and 980 and examines them in their political, social and cultural context. It analyses the texts by paying particular attention to how the authors expressed their concerns about issues that were important to them through the medium of hagiography and the saints' cults, the purposes for which the texts were employed and how these aims were reflected in the retelling of saints' legends. By taking this approach, analysing a substantial body of valuable but under-studied source material over a period of 3 centuries, for an important region, it provides a new perspective on a range of issues, significant people and places. The regional approach helps to show the close interconnectedness between many of these people, places and texts, including those connections that exist over a period of centuries as well as those networks vital to early mediaeval society that existed between contemporaries. Close examination of the body of texts highlights the importance of the cult of saints at all levels of society and demonstrates the value and versatility of hagiography as a means of storytelling.

St Cuthbert's literary cult was conceived in the late seventh and early eighth century with the production of three vitae, most importantly Bede's prose Vita sancti Cuthberti. Over the ensuing centuries, the cult stimulated the production of a great wealth of hagiographic material: this thesis analyses the key Cuthbertine works that were written by his Church during a turbulent but also prosperous time, between the ninth century and the end of the twelfth. Each chapter takes as a specific focus one of these texts, using it as a basis for exploring a number of themes pertaining to the cult of St Cuthbert, wider developments in the cult of the saints, and the changing and variable uses of hagiographic and historical writing. The first chapter takes the Historia de sancto Cuthberto as an example of a text combining property records with miracles, and written episodically over a period spanning more than a century, establishing the thesis'€™ triumvirate of themes: the fluidity of texts and of the representation of saints, and the enduring power of the Cuthbertine Church. Chapter Two explores the multifaceted identity that the Cuthbertine Church sought to convey for itself in Symeon of Durham’s Libellus de exordio. The third and fourth chapters focus on two highly flexible and manipulated texts, Capitula de miraculis sancti Cuthberti and Brevis relatio de sancto Cuthberto, which appear in manuscripts together, and often amalgamated: they are used to examine how a saint's image could be changed, and to question our often static notion of a text'€™s identity. The final chapter takes Reginald's Libellus de admirandis beati Cuthberti virtutibus to compare the miracle profiles of all the Cuthbertine texts, contextualising them with formative studies in the cult of saints such as the work of Sigal (1985) and Vauchez (1981). The thesis ends by suggesting that Cuthbert's cult was still thriving at the end of the twelfth century, and continued to do so, in the semi-independent socio-political and cultural sphere of northern England and southern Scotland. The discussions in these chapters are supplemented by four appendices: a table giving detailed synopses and a thematic breakdown of Reginald's Libellus, and a table categorising and comparing the miracles that appear in all these Cuthbertine works provide the basis for exploring Cuthbert'€™s changing miraculous persona; a map charting the locations pertinent to Reginald's Libellus shows the vibrant geographical extent of Cuthbert'™s cult; a table of manuscripts illustrates the various permutations into which these texts may be worked.