<p>Scholars, journalists, and religious leaders in the twentieth century widely hailed The Christian Century as the most influential Protestant magazine in America. This dissertation investigates the meaning of such praise. In what ways, and upon whom, did the Century exercise influence? Answering this question directs attention not only to the Century's editorial content but also to the cultural role of magazines and the makeup of the Century's audience, an elite group of white American Protestants who had no collective name for the first half of the twentieth century but came to be called the Protestant mainline.</p><p>I focus on the editorial tenure of Charles Clayton Morrison, who bought an obscure Disciples of Christ periodical at a sheriff's sale in 1908 and transformed it, over the next 39 years, into the flagship magazine of liberal Protestantism. Attending to the Century's history as well as its rhetoric, I find that the magazine had a deep effect on its readers but a limited effect on American Protestantism as a whole. Most American Protestants never read the Century or accepted its theologically and politically liberal messages. The mainline, while certainly powerful, was never mainstream.</p><p>Studying the Century reveals how the mainline evolved in terms of membership levels, core emphases, and posture vis-à-vis other religious traditions. Likewise, the Century clarifies the role of the mainline as the dominant Protestant tradition in America. If dominance is understood to mean control of positions of power, a plausible case can be made for the dominance of both the mainline writ large and of the subset of this group who read The Christian Century. If dominance has anything to do with numerical preponderance, however, or with the ability to build consensus around key ideals, the supremacy of the mainline should be reexamined. </p><p>Lofty estimates of the Century's influence presuppose a transmission model of communication in which the primary role of a periodical is to convey information that alters readers' thinking. The Century did convey information to its readers, but the greatest service the magazine performed was to confirm readers' identity as central figures in the growth of what its editors deemed a vital, progressive, but by no means universally accepted form of Christianity. The Century spoke to its 35,000 readers more than it spoke for them, and those readers frequently felt like members of a beleaguered minority rather than a triumphal majority. </p><p>Throughout its upward climb, the Century's rhetoric ran ahead of its accomplishments. Without ever amassing a wide readership, it declared itself the rightful representative of American Protestantism. The Century's rhetoric of unified, progressive, and culturally dominant Protestantism proved compelling, but it obscured many complexities. Examining the Century's struggles to define itself and remain financially viable in its formative years brings to light the difficulties inherent in any attempt to lead America's fractious Protestants.</p> / Dissertation

<p>Slavery and freedom are central issues in the historiography of nineteenth-century America. In the antebellum era (1820-1860), personal status was a fluid concept and was never as simple as black and white. The courts provide a revealing window for examining these ambiguities because court cases often served as the venue for negotiations over who was enslaved and who was free. In St. Louis, enslaved men and women contributed to debates and discussions about the meaning of personal status by suing for their freedom. By questioning their enslavement in freedom suits, slaves played an important role in blurring the law's understanding of slavery; in the process, they incurred the enormous personal risks of abuse and the possibility of sale. </p><p>Using the records of over 300 slaves who sued for freedom, as well as a variety of manuscript sources, newspapers, and additional court records, this project traces these freedom suits over time, and examines how slave law and the law of freedom suits shifted, mainly in response to local and national debates over slavery and also to the growing threat of anti-slavery encroachment into St. Louis. When the laws tightened in response to these threats, the outcomes of freedom suits also adjusted, but in ways that did not fit the pattern of increasing restrictions on personal liberty. Instead, the unique situation in St. Louis in the 1840s and 1850s, with its increasingly anti-slavery immigrant population, allowed slaves suing for freedom to succeed at greater rates than in previous decades.</p> / Dissertation

<p>During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a cadre of black women merged the ideals of the "New Woman" and the "New Negro" to configure New Negro Womanhood. For these women, the combining of these two figurations encapsulated the complexity and strivings of black women attempting to achieve racial and gender equality and authorial control of their bodies and aspirations. New Negro women challenged racial and gender inequality and exclusion from participating in contemporaneous political and cultural currents. New Negro women are meaningful in understanding how ideas about black women's political, economic, social and cultural agency challenged New Negro's ideological focus on black men and New Woman's ideological focus on white women. At the core of the New Negro woman ethos was a transformation in how black women thought about the possibility of moving into the public sphere. Black women etched out the parameters of individual and collective aspirations and desires within a modern world in which they were treated as second-class citizens.</p> <p>My dissertation explores New Negro womanhood in Washington, D.C. The nation's capital functioned as a preeminent site for the realization of African American possibility. The District of Columbia also offered unique opportunities for African American political, civic, social and cultural involvement. More specifically, the city was a fruitful site for the development of African American women's leadership, entrepreneurship and creativity. I use black beauty culture, performance activism, women's suffrage activism, higher education, and black leisure spaces in Washington to examine how black women grappled with and configured ideas about black modernity. Each of these areas provided a distinct context in which African American women in Washington transgressed boundaries of both racial and gender hierarchies and aspired to greater visibility, mobility, and legibility within the modern world. African American women in Washington embraced New Negro Womanhood as a conduit to black modernity.</p> / Dissertation

<p><italic>Narrating Infanticide: Constructing the Modern Gendered State in Nineteenth-Century America</italic> traces how modern ideas about gender and race became embedded in the institutions of law and government between the Revolution and the end of Reconstruction. Contemporary understandings of gender and race actually consolidated only in the aftermath of the Civil War, as communities embraced beliefs that women and African Americans constituted distinctive groups with shared, innate characteristics related solely to the fact that they were female or racially different. People then applied these ideas about gender and race to all arenas of life, including the law. </p> <p>Yet understanding the roles of women and African Americans through universalizing legal conceptions of gender and/or race--conceptions that crystallized in law only in the wake of the Civil War--elides the complexity of the ways in which antebellum communities responded to the interactions of women, the enslaved, and free blacks with the legal system. My study's focus on infanticide, a crime that could only be perpetrated by females, reveals how women--and men--of all races involved themselves in the day-to-day legal processes that shaped the daily lives of Americans during the early republic and antebellum periods. Communities responded to cases of infant death informed by understandings of motherhood and child mortality specific to that particular case and individual, rather than shaping outcomes--as they began to do so after the Civil War--based on broad assumptions about the race or gender of the offender. My conclusions are drawn from almost one hundred cases of infanticide and infant death between 1789 and 1877 gleaned primarily from court records and newspapers in Connecticut, Illinois, and North Carolina. In addition, the study draws on reports of other instances from around the nation, as narrated in sources such as diaries, periodicals, newspapers, crime pamphlets, and medical journals.</p> / Dissertation

<p>A fire in Salem, Mass., in 1914 and an explosion in Halifax, N.S., in 1917 provide an opportunity to explore working-class institutions and organizations in the United States-Canada borderlands. In a historical moment in which the state greatly expanded its responsibility to give protection and rescue to its citizens, after these two disasters ordinary survivors preferred to depend on their friends, neighbors, and family members. This dissertation examines which institutions--including formal organizations like unions and fraternal societies as well as informal groups like families and neighborhoods--were most relevant and useful to working-class survivors. Families, neighbors, friends, and coworkers had patterns and traditions of self-help, informal order, and solidarity that they developed before crisis hit their cities. Those traditions were put to unusual purposes and extreme stress when the disasters happened. They were also challenged by new agents of the state, who were given extraordinary powers in the wake of the disasters. This dissertation describes how the working-class people who most directly experienced the disasters understood them and their cities starkly differently than the professionalized relief authorities.</p><p>Using a wide array of sources--including government documents, published accounts, archived ephemeral, oral histories, photographs, newspapers in two languages, and the case files of the Halifax Relief Commission--the dissertation describes how elites imposed a progressive state on what they imagined to be a fractured and chaotic social landscape. It argues that "the people" for whom reformers claimed to speak had their own durable, alternative modes of support and rescue that they quickly and effectively mobilized in times of crisis, but which remained illegible to elites. By demonstrating the personal, ideological, political, and practical ties between New England and Nova Scotia and Quebec, it also emphasizes the importance of studying American and Canadian history together, not only comparatively but as a transnational, North American whole.</p> / Dissertation

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Brown University, 2008. / Vita. Adviser: Mari Jo Buhle. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 228-241).

<p> In charge of a $15 trillion budget, the U.S. Congress functions as the largest business entity in the world. After the 2008 financial crisis, an increasing number of Americans became concerned about congressional leaders&rsquo; ability to handle business-related issues, such as high unemployment, housing foreclosures, declining stock prices, and business bankruptcies. Struggling to recover in a sluggish economy, Americans had the opportunity to communicate their approval or disapproval of congressional leaders&rsquo; handling of the U.S. economy in the midterm congressional election of 2012. To investigate how, if at all, Americans&rsquo; voting behavior in 2012 may have varied by their economic concern regarding the U.S. economy and approval of congressional leaders, an analysis of the American National Electoral Studies (ANES) survey was conducted. A quantitative study with a descriptive comparative design was conducted to analyze the ANES pre- and post- 2012 election surveys. While no significant differences were detected by gender (H1 - gender), economic concern differed significantly by age (H1 - age), education (H1 - education), political party (H2), state (H3), and congressional district (H4). Similarly, congressional approval varied significantly by all voter background variables (H5 - demographics, H6 - political party, H7 - state, and H8 - congressional district). Data analysis revealed that congressional approval varied significantly by a voter&rsquo;s level of economic concern (H9). Additionally, frequency of voting differed significantly by participants&rsquo; economic concern and congressional approval (H10).</p>

There are currently over two hundred Indian groups seeking recognition by Congress or the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). Every month, articles appear detailing recently acknowledged tribes such as the Pequot opening high stakes gaming enterprises. This study examines several once unrecognized Indian communities and their efforts to gain federal sanction through the BIA's Branch of Acknowledgment and Research or Congress. By focusing on four Indian communities, the Pascua Yaquis, the Timbisha Shoshone, the Tiguas of Ysleta del Sur Pueblo, and the United Houma Nation, this work explores the strategies groups pursue to gain acknowledgment and the different outcomes that result. In its details, the work reveals ethnic identity in relation to the state bureaucracy while also demonstrating that groups must "play Indian" to both Indians and non-Indians to prove their racial and cultural identity. The case studies examine ethnic resurgence and cultural survival, the effects of the civil rights movement and Great Society social programs on these entities, and the historical impact of non-recognition on groups in several regions of the United States. This study also takes a broader look at federal acknowledgment policy. By analyzing the historical development of the policy and the administration of the BIA program, it ultimately concludes that the program has succeeded. While the new emphasis on recognizing tribes clearly represented a rejection of anti-tribal agendas of the past, its reliance upon written documentation and skepticism towards petitioners represents continuity in federal Indian affairs by maintaining the restrictive polices of earlier eras. Because it reflects the interest of many reservation tribes, the BIA process works as it was intended: in a slow and exacting manner, to limit the number of groups entering the federal circle. The recognition arena is thus a complicated amalgamation of modern Indian issues. Parties entering the process must maneuver complex terrain and deal with issues of scholarship and advocacy, concerns over gaming and motivations, and issues of racial and cultural authenticity. In the end, however, it is these complexities that make this study a multidimensional portrait of Indian policy, ethnic identity, and tribal politics in the post-termination era.

This is an analysis of the task system, the primary form of labor organization used by South Carolina and Georgia lowcountry rice planters. It examines the labor process of rice field hands, analyzes the extent to which gender shaped enslaved men and women's experiences of tasking, and explores some of the ramifications of task work on field women's lives. Conventional interpretations of the task system claim that it provided slaves with more autonomy, control, and opportunities for individual initiative than gang labor did. In contrast, this study finds that tasking was a multifaceted labor regime whose differences from gang labor were less pronounced than previous scholarship suggests. Specifically, structural, seasonal, and managerial constraints profoundly limited slaves' ability to control their work pace and to independently manage their work routines. As a result, slaves' access to own time and autonomy could be quite limited. Significantly, field hands did not experience these limits equally. Since planters did not adhere to one uniform model of rice cultivation, task assignments and labor routines varied across plantations. This heterogenous organization of task labor meant that slaves' ability to realize tasking's potential for greater slave autonomy was disproportionate across plantation boundaries. Gender also affected slaves' access to own time. Field women's control over the length of their work day and hence over access to own time was particularly circumscribed. The origins of these limits can be found in how planters organized their labor force and allocated field work. Given these constraints, slaves clearly did not gain own time easily. Nevertheless, slaves persevered in their quest for any or more own time by trying to circumvent prescribed work routines. Historians have touted slave family assistance as one of the most important of their strategies. While true, such aid was complex, circumscribed, and sometimes gendered. Finally, I link these labor and aid patterns to field women's reproductive histories and find that they help explain the region's high rate of slave neonatal mortality. These findings provide compelling evidence that we need to lower our assessment of the relative benefits putatively enjoyed by slaves who worked in a task regime.

This dissertation brings together empirical analyses of the impact of social insurance programs on compensating wage differentials under different institutional frameworks. I study three periods: the late nineteenth century prior to the introduction of Unemployment Insurance, the Great Depression when Unemployment Insurance is introduced, and then the recent period, in which UI has been long established. Initially, late nineteenth century labor markets with no social programs for workers were investigated. Three different data sets were analyzed from two different states, Maine and Kansas, to examine the precautionary saving behavior of workers and the wage premium they received for the expected unemployment prevalent in their industry. Results showed that workers were receiving statistically and economically significant wage premiums in two of the three samples. Also, in two of the three samples, households were able to save against expected unemployment using family resources. In the second chapter, after reviewing the historical backgrounds of social insurance programs, namely Workers' Compensation, Compensation for Occupational Diseases, and Unemployment Insurance (UI), the empirical literature about the impacts of these programs on wages is reviewed. Later in the chapter, hours and earnings data for various manufacturing industries across forty-eight states for the years 1933-1939 are brought together with the state UI, Workers' Compensation, and Compensation for Occupational Diseases provisions to test the impact of these laws on wage rates. The economic history and origins of UI have not been elaborated before and no previous study has analyzed the simultaneous impacts of different social insurance programs. Results showed that higher accident rates, limited working hours and the higher regional cost of living had a positive impact on wages. Workers' Compensation continued to have a negative impact on wages. During its infancy, UI benefits did not have a statistically significant effect on wages. The last chapter analyzes the impact of UI and the unemployment rate for the labor market of the worker on wage rates using micro level modern data. Results from the analysis of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth suggest that expected UI benefits have a negative and statistically significant impact on wages, holding worker and labor market characteristics constant. However, the unemployment rate of the labor market did not have a statistically significant impact on wages.