M.A. / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Bibliography: pages 381-191. / Eight years after Transkei has been granted independence, the independent states have become an important component of the South African political landscape, and their existence cannot be ignored despite the fact that no other country but South Africa has recognised their independence. This thesis is concerned with the evaluation of the choice of independence. The reasons are examined which led the South African government to grant independence to the homelands, and those which induced some of the homeland leaders to accept it. An evaluation is made of the political and economic benefits and lack thereof this choice has brought to those who made it and to their communities, with a view to the role the independent states may play in future developments in South Africa. A descriptive-analytical approach has been adopted and the main subjects have been presented in their chronological unfolding, in order to stress the basic continuity in the aims pursued both on the part of the South African government and on the part of the homeland leaders, despite numerous tactical adaptations to the circumstances on both sides. Most of the information has been gathered from the Hansard of the House and from reports of various commissions and government White Papers. Official documents from the independent states and the economic corporations working therein have also been extensively used. Other information and data have been gathered during a period of fieldwork in Ciskei and Transkei and through a number of interviews. The time passed since the granting of independence to the homelands which opted for it is still too short for an exhaustive evaluation of the effects this choice had for their population. It is however possible to draw a few preliminary conclusions regarding the effects the independent states will have in the evolution of the political situation in South Africa. The most important is that they are here to stay, bar a total defeat of the white government in an all-out war, and that they may be a factor in a still possible peaceful solution of the South African problems.

Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 1999. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 109 p. : ill., maps (some col.) Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-107).

Thesis (MScAgric)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The agriculture sector continues to be viewed as a vehicle through which economic growth and development can be achieved; particularly for developing economies. This view is incorporated in South Africa’s rural development framework in the National Development Plan, which indicated that this sector will be the main driver in developing the country’s rural economies. However, the South African agricultural sector is known to be dualistic; consisting of a large-scale commercial and a small-scale subsistence sector. This study is particularly focused on smallholder farming in South Africa, which have developed as a result of the decades of government intervention that have guided reform driven by the general political and economic philosophy of white domination. The most notable interventions, which drew the line between white and black landholding, were the Natives’ Land Acts of 1913 and 1936, followed by various policy interventions to support White, large-scale agriculture. The question remains whether or not an expanded smallholder sector can significantly contribute to rural development, employment creation and poverty reduction in the former homeland areas of South Africa. In order to answer this question, the need arises for reliable data on smallholder farming, conceptual clarification on definitions of “smallholder” or “small-scale” farmers and diversity among farming systems needs to be taken into account. These considerations are crucial in order to design and implement effective rural development policies. One way of addressing this question is the use of farm typologies. Given the diversity that exists within agricultural systems, various schemes of classification have been developed and evolved over time. The objective of this study is to provide an empirical framework that would classify smallholder farmers in the former homeland areas of South Africa according to their livelihood strategies. This study seeks to achieve the objective in three distinct ways. Firstly, by giving a broad overview of the smallholder sector in South Africa. Secondly, by utilizing Geographic Information Systems (GIS) techniques to identify farming households situated in the former homeland areas, using the General Household Survey (GHS) and the Income and Expenditure Survey (IES). Thirdly, apply multivariate statistical techniques, specifically Principle Component Analysis (PCA) and Cluster Analysis (CA), to develop the ultimate classification system. The results from both typologies suggested eight distinct types or groups of farming households in the former homeland areas. Important findings suggest that higher salary incomes are crucial for the enablement of households to market their produce. Social grants were found to be key in determining livelihood strategies among faming households, most notably old age and child support grants. One of the groups that were identified was typically food insecure, with their agricultural production not sufficiently feeding the household. Lastly, direct agricultural support from the government was clearly focused on livestock services which placed a minority of households at a distinct advantage to sell produce to the market. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die landbousektor word algemeen gesien as een van die moontlike drywers vir ekonomiese groei en landelike ontwikkeling, spesifiek in ontwikkelende lande. Hierdie siening word ook uitgesonder deur die Suid-Afrikaanse ontwikkelingsraamwerk, en by name in die Nasionale Ontwikkelingsplan wat aandui dat die landbousektor die hoofrol behoort te vervul om landelike gebiede te ontwikkel. Die vermoë om hierdie mandaat uit te voer moet in die konteks van die kenmerkende dualisme raakgesien word. Suid-Afrika het hoofsaaklik twee tipes boere; grootskaalse kommersiële boere en kleinskaalse, meestal bestaansboere, wat meestal in die voormalige tuislande opereer. Hierdie dualisme is die resultaat van verskeie regeringsinmengings, hoofsaaklik gedryf deur die algemene politieke bestel, ideologie en beleid wat op rasseklassifikasie gegrond was gedurende die vorige eeu. Sekerlik een van die mees bekende was die Naturellegrond Wet van 1913 en 1936, wat die skeidingslyn tussen swart en wit grondbesit ingestel het. Verder is verskeie wetgewings implimenteer om die kommersiële landbousektor te bevoordeel gedurende hierdie tydperk.. In hierdie konteks is dit belangrik om te vra of die uitbreiding van die kleinskaalse landbousektor werklik kan bydra tot landelike ontwikkeling, werkskepping en armoedeverligting in die voormalige tuislande van Suid-Afrika. Om hierdie vraag te beantwoord word betroubare inligting benodig, moet die konsep van “kleinskaalse boere” uitgeklaar word en laastens moet diversiteit tussen verskillende boerderystelsels in ag geneem word. Die antwoorde op hierdie vrae is noodsaaklik vir die ontwikkeling en implimentering van effektiewe landelike ontwikkelingsbeleid. Die gebruik van boerderytipologieë is ‘n oplossing om hierdie kwessies aan te spreek. Verskeie klassifikasiesisteme is in die verlede ontwikkel om die diversiteit in boerderystelsels te ondersoek. Die hoof doel van hierdie studie is om ‘n empiriese raamwerk te ontwikkel om kleinskaalse boerderye, wat in die voormalige tuislande voorkom, volgens hul lewensbestaanstrategieë te klassifiseer. Om hierdie doelwit te bereik, sal die studie eerstens ‘n oorsig gee van die kleinskaalse landbousektor in Suid-Afrika. Tweedens sal Geografiese Inligtingstelsels (GIS) tegnieke gebruik word om spesifiek huishoudings in die voormalige tuislande te indentifiseer in die Algemene Huishoudings Opname (AHO) en die Inkomste en Uitgawes Opname (IUO). Derdens sal meerveranderlike statistieke gebruik word, spesifiek Hoofkomponentanalise (HKA) en Bondelontleding (BO), om die klassifikasiesisteem te ontwikkel. Die resultate van die tipologieë wat in hierdie studie ontwikkel is gee agt spesifieke groepe van boerderyhuishoudings. Hierdie groepe was beduidend verskillend van mekaar en elkeen se lewenbestaanstrategieë word uitgewys. Die hoofbevindings dui aan dat addisionele salarisinkomste ‘n belangrike rol speel in die vermoë van kleinskaalse boere om hul produkte te verkoop. Verder is dit opmerklik dat maatskaplike toelaes ‘n aansienlike rol gespeel het in die vorming van die groepe, spesifiek wat betref ouderdomspensioene en kindertoelae. Daar is ook ‘n spesifieke groep huishoudings in beide tipologieë wat probleme ondervind om voedselsekuriteit op huishoudelike vlak te handhaaf. Laastens wys die studie dat direkte landbou-ondersteuning teenoor kleinskaalse boere ‘n kenmerkende fokus op lewendehaweboerderye plaas wat sulke boerderye bevoordeel het om vir die mark te produseer.

The movement of workers from the rural to the urban sector has been and continues to be an integral part of economic development. The phenomenon is neither avoidable nor completely preventable. Attempts to explain it have thus been concerned largely with the rate of movement of rural workers to the urban sector and the resultant urban unemployment. The major cause of rural to urban migration is economic. Essentially, this includes calculations about actual or expected incomes and the existence of differences in employment opportunities between the rural and the urban sectors. Workers will normally migrate to a sector if that sector offers more job opportunities and higher average wages. However, some workers may be attracted to the urban sector by better welfare and social facilities but these alone can not account for a significant volume of rural to urban migration. In South Africa, Black workers, as elsewhere, respond to differences in employment opportunities and average wages between sectors by moving to the sector which offers more. However, the homeland policy controls and regulates the movement, settlement and employment of African labor particularly in the White controlled economy (urban sector). The policy seeks to ultimately reduce the African population in the White controlled economy and at the same time to develop the homelands so that a larger number of Black workers would be employed in the homelands or in border areas. Because of the controls in the urban sector, the urban Black labor force has remained largely unstabilized and resulted in a migrant labor system. Attempts to develop the homelands have not made much headway. Since the 1930's their capacity to support their populations has been deteriorating. Often maize and sorghum (staple foods) have to be imported to supplement the little that is produced locally. Rapid population growth and widespread removal of Black workers from the White controlled economy to the homelands in the 1960's created a serious problem of overcrowdedness in the homelands. Population density in these areas is among the highest in Africa. The homeland modern sector is still in its infancy and can only create a small number of jobs in a year. The majority of the economically active African workers continue to seek employment in the White controlled economy. The homeland policy has thus not succeeded yet in its objective. What it has succeeded in doing instead is to concentrate the dependents of urban Black workers in the homelands thereby shifting responsibility to them for providing the workers and their dependents with social services. The homelands remain poor, underdeveloped and cheap reserves of African labor for the White controlled economy.

Submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy in the History Department at the University of Zululand, 1998. / KwaNgema and neighbouring Driefontein were Black-owned freehold settlements in the Wakkerstroom district, Transvaal. Whereas KwaNgema had been granted officially to the community in 1904, Driefontein had been purchased in 1912. Because of their proximity to predominantly White areas, in 1965 both areas were declared by the National Party government as 'Blackspots'. Subsequently, in line with the government's homeland consolidation policy, the inhabitants of the two settlements were notified that they would be moved to the KaNgwane and KwaZulu Homelands. In terms of the Native Administration Act of 1927, the government could, at its pleasure, remove Black tribes from certain areas. But it was not until 1981 when plans to construct the Heyshope Dam were announced, that the government informed the two communities that their removal was a certainty. The new dam, to be built on the Assegai River, would flood parts of both settlements. Between 1981 and 1985, the residents of KwaNgema and Driefontein opposed resettlement on the following grounds: — They were historically and legally entitled to the land. — Relocation and the rebuilding of new homes would be a costly undertaking. — There was much uncertainty about their future security in the Homelands, in terms of landownership rights, employment, pensions, etc. — The KwaNgema people argued that the Act of 1927 did not apply to them, as they were not a tribe, but 'Umndeni' that operated on Western democratic lines. — Adjacent vacant land could be utilized for settling only those residents threatened by the dam. The government rejected all claims and counter-proposals made by the Blacks. Controversy characterised by state repression, leadership disputes and other problems ensued. The crisis was eventually resolved in August 1985 in favour of the KwaNgema and Driefontein communities. The government withdrew its resettlement plans. Only residents threatened by the dam were relocated to adjacent land. All residents retained their property rights. Factors contributing to this historic settlement were: — The unrelenting protest by the two communities arid their institution of legal action against the government. — The murder by the police of Saul Mkhize in April 1983. Mkhize was the Driefontein community leader who spearheaded the resistance. His unexpected death increased criticism of the government's forced removals policy nationally and internationally. — The refusal by Enos Mabuza, leader of KaNgwane, and Chief Buthelezi of KwaZulu to accommodate the two communities in their Homelands. — Increasing condemnation of the government's removals policy domestically and abroad. — The changing political climate in South Africa, resulting inter alia, in the review of the removals policy. The conclusion drawn from this study, is that the experience of KwaNgema and Driefontein was an outcome of a combination of forces -historical, ideological, legal, anthropological, social and economic. Another important highlight of this research is that land ownership is indeed a fundamental aspiration and right for all people which, if denied, may lead to conflict.

A Research Report submitted in partial fulfilment of the Degree of Master of Economic Science in the School of Economic and Business Sciences, University of the Witwatersrand / The objective of the study is to analyse the effect former homeland status on poverty in South Africa. The study uses 2011 Census community profiles data from Statistics South Africa and cartographic data. Two methodologies are used in order to identify the effect of former homeland status on poverty, i.e., Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and Regression Discontinuity Design (RDD). Notably, the RDD model is the main model as it formally identifies the treatment effect by comparing former and non-former homelands within a quasi-experimental framework. The results indicate that former homeland areas experience higher poverty levels relative to non-former homeland areas. The analysis shows that a large portion of the “raw” poverty differential is explained by differences in observed characteristics between former and non-former homeland areas. The remaining difference is attributable to former homeland status. The ‘scarring effect’ is small but statistically significant. Thus, the results call for government intervention aimed at reducing differences in observed characteristics of former and non-former homeland areas. The study notes that such mechanisms will narrow the difference in poverty rates but might not close it entirely since part of the difference is structural and depends on the rate at which the ‘scarring effect’ fades overtime. / NG (2020)

This comparative study, undertaken in the anthropological tradition of long-term field research, highlights the impact of agricultural "betterment" schemes in two rural communities - Chatha in Keiskammahoek district, Ciskei and Shixini in Willowvale district, Transkei. The authors provide a wealth of historical, sociological and ecological detail to describe and assess the implications of the continuation of the present official "betterment" strategy. This is done by comparing conditions in Chatha, where the strategy was implemented in the 1960s, with those in Shixini, where it was being implemented during fieldwork. / Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)

M.Bibl. (Information Studies) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Magister Artium - MA / The subject of rural development has been at the forefront of South Africa’s government discourse and policy. In post-apartheid South African rural development policy has paid significant attention to poverty alleviation, job creation and food security by attempting to commercialize agriculture in the former ‘homelands’. This has been mainly encouraged through agricultural programmes such as Masibambisane Rural Development Initiative (MRDI) and the Massive Food Production Programme (MFPP). To support these agricultural development programmes, the South African government has directed a significant amount of its public budget towards their development. However, literature suggests that to a large extent these agricultural programmes have not succeeded in improving the agricultural situation as well as livelihoods of rural dwellers in the former ‘homelands’. Despite the efforts made by the South African government, agriculture and field cultivation in rural areas continue to show a decline. Furthermore, many agricultural projects that have been initiated to improve the lives of rural people have been abandoned. This thesis investigates the interface between the actors that are involved in agricultural development projects in Mnquma Local Municipality in the former homeland of Transkei, Eastern Cape. Two irrigation schemes in Mnquma Local Municipality are interrogated, namely Ntuzenyandu Irrigation Scheme and Mirlees Masibambisane Irrigation Scheme, as case studies for this study. The main objective is to investigate the causes of dissonances between the actors that are involved in these agricultural projects, as well as how these dissonances influence the outcomes of agricultural projects in Mnquma Local Municipality. It is the micro-politics of development at the interface between the various actors that must be studied in order to gain a full and nuanced picture of why the irrigation schemes have faced challenges. This study uses the actor-oriented and social interface approach. The study identifies community politics, struggles over state allocated resources, power relations between the actors, lack of community involvement and a ‘discourse of blaming’ between the actors as key challenges that are hindering the success of these agricultural projects. It is hoped that this study can shed some important insights for policy makers on how to improve and implement state-funded agricultural projects that will be able to achieve government objectives and expectations of the rural people.