<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> <p align="left">The Social Capital approach to development is based on the premise that both cognitive and structural aspects of a given society determine the level of development performance. It is argued that norms of trust and reciprocity, networks, and mutual aid govern interaction among people, hold them together, facilitate opportunities to manage common property and pursue common goals, and ultimately contribute to development by facilitating their cooperation and collective action. In this thesis I explore the relationship between social capital and development by analysing the performance of household wellbeing in a given community. Two dominant views on social capital and the outcomes of development performance are currently in prominence in the development discourse. This debate centres on whether social capital is a sufficient cause on its own or whether it needs intermediary actors. The social capital theory argues that the development performance of a particular community can be explained directly by the prevailing level of social capital, and that the underlying levels of trust, social norms and networks are sufficient to explain development. On the other hand, the school of thought that supports the need for intermediary actors argues that social capital is unable to influence development performance at higher levels. If a larger impact and a more precise outcome are expected, intermediary actors who facilitate interest formation, aggregation and representation are necessary. Without them, social capital remains largely inactive and dormant. In exploring the possible link between the two variables, this thesis supports the second premises, introducing the notion of intermediary actors that might activate the stock of social capital and its performance on household wellbeing. The need to explore the relationship between the two variables demanded empirical research. The research was conducted in the rural villages of Oromia regional State of Ethiopia. Based on the empirical evidence, the relationship between the stock of social capital and performance in household wellbeing is generally positive. A large stock of social capital is generally accompanied by a higher level of performance in household wellbeing. However, I argue that social capital is only truly social when activated by an intermediary development actor. Failing this, though it contributes significantly to village solidarity and unity, social capital remains inactive and dormant. Therefore, the general conclusion of this thesis is that social capital matters, but its utilisation by intermediary agencies matters more.</p> </font></font></p>

<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> <p align="left">The Social Capital approach to development is based on the premise that both cognitive and structural aspects of a given society determine the level of development performance. It is argued that norms of trust and reciprocity, networks, and mutual aid govern interaction among people, hold them together, facilitate opportunities to manage common property and pursue common goals, and ultimately contribute to development by facilitating their cooperation and collective action. In this thesis I explore the relationship between social capital and development by analysing the performance of household wellbeing in a given community. Two dominant views on social capital and the outcomes of development performance are currently in prominence in the development discourse. This debate centres on whether social capital is a sufficient cause on its own or whether it needs intermediary actors.</p> </font></font></p>

<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> <p align="left">The Social Capital approach to development is based on the premise that both cognitive and structural aspects of a given society determine the level of development performance. It is argued that norms of trust and reciprocity, networks, and mutual aid govern interaction among people, hold them together, facilitate opportunities to manage common property and pursue common goals, and ultimately contribute to development by facilitating their cooperation and collective action. In this thesis I explore the relationship between social capital and development by analysing the performance of household wellbeing in a given community. Two dominant views on social capital and the outcomes of development performance are currently in prominence in the development discourse. This debate centres on whether social capital is a sufficient cause on its own or whether it needs intermediary actors.</p> </font></font></p>

<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> <p align="left">The Social Capital approach to development is based on the premise that both cognitive and structural aspects of a given society determine the level of development performance. It is argued that norms of trust and reciprocity, networks, and mutual aid govern interaction among people, hold them together, facilitate opportunities to manage common property and pursue common goals, and ultimately contribute to development by facilitating their cooperation and collective action. In this thesis I explore the relationship between social capital and development by analysing the performance of household wellbeing in a given community. Two dominant views on social capital and the outcomes of development performance are currently in prominence in the development discourse. This debate centres on whether social capital is a sufficient cause on its own or whether it needs intermediary actors. The social capital theory argues that the development performance of a particular community can be explained directly by the prevailing level of social capital, and that the underlying levels of trust, social norms and networks are sufficient to explain development. On the other hand, the school of thought that supports the need for intermediary actors argues that social capital is unable to influence development performance at higher levels. If a larger impact and a more precise outcome are expected, intermediary actors who facilitate interest formation, aggregation and representation are necessary. Without them, social capital remains largely inactive and dormant. In exploring the possible link between the two variables, this thesis supports the second premises, introducing the notion of intermediary actors that might activate the stock of social capital and its performance on household wellbeing. The need to explore the relationship between the two variables demanded empirical research. The research was conducted in the rural villages of Oromia regional State of Ethiopia. Based on the empirical evidence, the relationship between the stock of social capital and performance in household wellbeing is generally positive. A large stock of social capital is generally accompanied by a higher level of performance in household wellbeing. However, I argue that social capital is only truly social when activated by an intermediary development actor. Failing this, though it contributes significantly to village solidarity and unity, social capital remains inactive and dormant. Therefore, the general conclusion of this thesis is that social capital matters, but its utilisation by intermediary agencies matters more.</p> </font></font></p>

This dissertation compares the work and life of secondary public-school teachers in Ontario with different labour contracts during a time of crisis. The COVID public health crisis along with neoliberalism, the defunding of public education, and a climate crisis have all influenced governmental policies and the labour process of public secondary teachers in Ontario. The influences that different contracts can have on the labour process of teachers, how they feel towards their union, and the impacts on their individual health and household wellbeing before and during the first year of the COVID pandemic is the focus of this dissertation. To help explore these contexts and the influences on the life and labour of public secondary teachers in Ontario with different contracts, I have used research from studies in Labour Process Theory, precarious work, and educational labour to inform my analysis. Along with those areas of discourse, I have also used insights from research into Critical Realism and Thematic Analysis to think through and discuss the differences between the teachers I interviewed and connect their experiences with work, their union, and their individual health and household well-being to larger systems, structures, and histories. The interviews conducted revealed three points of interest: that precarious labour contracts can function as a disciplinary device, that larger contexts outside the contract shaped how the contract was experienced, and that teachers’ unions can act as a source of solidarity and security during a crisis and when there are certain associations with its purpose. This exploratory research aims to open up future areas of research into educational labour and differences between the experiences of educators with different contracts. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This project explored the differences between public secondary teachers with different contracts in Ontario before and during the COVID pandemic. It involved an online survey to help recruit participants and interviews with 36 teachers who were recruited from the online survey. Of the 36 teachers, 13 had permanent contracts, 16 had long term occasional (LTO) contracts, and 7 had occasional teaching (OT) contracts. The interviews and analysis revealed three points of interest: that precarious labour contracts in a tiered relationship with secure contracts can function as a disciplinary device, that larger contexts outside the contract shaped how the contract was experienced, and that teachers’ unions can act as a source of solidarity and security during a crisis and when there are certain associations with its purpose. Teachers with different contracts had uniquely different experiences with their work, their union, and their individual health and household wellbeing before and during COVID.