The intention of this thesis is to assess the World Bank's SAPs as the principal economic impediment to implementing an RBA to NEPAD. This assessment is sought to contribute to calculating the feasibility for implementation. It is assumed that the RBA is the best approach currently available to further the significant cause of sustainable human, social and economic development in developing countries generally, and in Africa in particular. Sustainable development in Africa is recognised as an extremely significant step in promoting peace and security on the continent and internationally. Various NGOs, development institutes and scholars have argued that NEPAD lacks an RBA to development. However, while the critics are many, the question has not been voiced as to the obstacles Africa and international society face in applying an RBA to NEPAD. In an attempt to narrow this gap, the World Bank's SAPs are analysed. It has been shown many times that adjustment programmes do not adhere to the human rights standards spelled out, in particular, in the articles of the ICESCR. In addition, SAPs fail to incorporate human rights principles such as participation and accountability. Consequently, because SAPs are not based on international human rights standards and principles, they do not fulfil the requirements of an RBA to development. It follows that the approach cannot be applied to NEPAD as long as the World Bank's SAPs fail to adhere to these standards and principles and, thus, lead to the violation of people's human rights in developing countries. To reach a reasonable conclusion on the Bank's current human rights practices, its employment of SAPs in developing countries is analysed. Moreover, David Held's regime of liberal international sovereignty is examined and applied to this case. Both investigations discover independently of each other that the implementation of an RBA to NEPAD is unrealistic under the current circumstances.

International lawyers are increasingly interested in studying NGOs ("NGOs") and their influence on state behavior, but few have studied the impact that domestic NGOs can have on transforming and generating international norms. This paper explores the links between Latin American NGOs and their aim of changing international norms into more effective instruments against systematic violations of human rights by states. I will aim to articulate the stages of the processes that NGOs go through to change state behavior. / I decided to write about NGOs and changes to human rights norms because I have dedicated most of my life to trying to eliminate human rights violations in Latin America. To the detractors that insist that such attempts are futile, I would respond that every effort one can contribute to the human rights movement is one step towards the goal of transforming beliefs and principles into real changes to state practices.

This thesis is an attempt to examine one of the most important on-going debates in contemporary Islamists' discourses, namely, the status and rights of religious minorities in an Islamic state. The call by Islamists for the establishment of such a state governed by the Shari'ah has given rise to criticism that Islamization would entail the revival of the discriminatory rulings of traditional Islamic law with respect to non-Muslim citizens and the negation of the modern principle of the right to equality for all citizens irrespective of religious belief. To provide a background to the problem, this study presents a brief review of the stance of traditional Islamic law on the status and rights of non-Muslims living within the domain of Islam. This tradition has informed the discourses of contemporary Islamists on the question. Two currents of thought are examined: radical and moderate Islamism. Radical Islamists assert that granting non-Muslim citizens equal status and rights with Muslims is inconsistent with the teachings of Islam, although in stating this they confirm the apprehensions that Islamization would result in institutionalizing discrimination against religious minorities. Moderate Islamists on the other hand maintain that the concept of equal rights for all citizens is compatible with the tenets of Islam. Nonetheless, their arguments are not without problems as there are limits to how far they are willing to go in offering equal status and rights to non-Muslims.

Is it an activity qualified as torture only when it is carried out for certain purposes? At the heart of the debate lies the question of whether or not corporal punishment is a form of torture. Aspects of corporal punishment remain acceptable according certain religious traditions. An example of this is found in traditional Islamic law, which has banned both torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment, when used for the express purpose of obtaining confessions or information. In other circumstances, however, severe corporal punishment is acceptable in Islamic law. As a result, some Islamic states whose domestic law is rooted in traditional Islamic law, justify their use of torture by invoking Islamic traditions: they claim that corporal punishment is derived from God's will. These states tend to consider its use as lawful sanctions, and it is made legal under their domestic law. In this paper, Iran is studied as one such state.

A core function of the United Nations over the past six decades has been the promotion and protection of human rights. In pursuit of this goal, the UN General Assembly has adopted numerous human rights treaties covering a vast array of rights. Because it has the highest number of ratifications, the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CROC), is often lauded as the most successful of all the human rights treaties. Although the breadth and depth of human rights treaties is impressive, the amount of research into their effectiveness is not. Very little scholarship has been undertaken to evaluate the extent to which human rights treaties are being complied with by countries that have ratified them and whether ratification of a human rights treaty has a positive impact on the human rights situation within a State Party’s jurisdiction. The research that has been undertaken has been largely quantitative and limited to studies of compliance with civil and political rights. This thesis builds on this limited scholarship by qualitatively analysing the ‘compliance’ levels of two States, Australia and the United States, with the norm in Article 29(1) of CROC relating to human rights education (HRE). Although the United States has not ratified CROC, it was selected as one of the case studies for this research in order to enable comparison to be made between HRE in a State that has ratified CROC, and a State that has not, thereby shedding light on whether ratification of a human rights treaty makes a difference.

Teilw. zugl.: Diss. / Literaturverz. S. [459] - 481.

Thesis (Ph.D.) - Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 300-314). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (M. Soc. Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 77).

Thesis (M.A.)--Acadia University, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-146). Also available on the Internet via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Ohio University, June, 2009. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references.