Thomas Hardy's writing cannot be separated from his personality; and that personality was in part moulded by a variety of social and family pressures. His upbringing in a remote part of England which was undergoing transition confronted him with the daily phenomenon of change, and not infrequently of suffering. Side by side with ancient habits and customs he saw the slow encroachment of a new order which appeared, at times, to challenge his strongest sympathies. In his own family he confronted a once-powerful race now shorn of most its possessions and all of its social rank. While recognising his family past with genuine pride, Hardy was nonetheless disturbed by signs of irregularities of conduct among each branch of his family, and he appears to have been disturbed by the facts of his own birth, which took place less than six months after his parents' marriage. His sensitivity about his family's past, together with his own emotional involvements as a young man, appear to be primarily responsible for the presence of ancestry and heredity as recurring themes in the poems and the novels. Any account of Hardy's early manhood must consider the assertions of Lois Deacon, both those proved and those remaining questionable (Providence and Mr, Hardy, London, 1966); just as any understanding of his personality must take account of the English and American collections of letters from Hardy and his two wives. Intellectually, Hardy was affected by Darwinism and the "rational" approach to religion; he may have been affected, too, by his own rejection by the Church, At all events, his Christian faith collapsed, and he began a life-long search for some replacement for his lost faith, a replacement to be based on reason rather than emotion, though satisfying to the latter. In this he may have failed, but his inquiry brought him into contact with the main streams of philosophy, and still more with the minor streams represented by essayists and correspondents of the Victorian periodicals. A review of the notebooks made from these and other sources shows a life-long preoccupation with the nature of human conduct, and the decree of freedom accorded to man. An intellectual development is shown in these notes which parallels tho development of the earlier novels, and which is also reflected in the poems. The novels, up to and including The Return of the Native, embody a fairly consistent argument. From the beginning Hardy is concerned with the plight of man as a conscious being in a universe whose control is in the hands of unconscious forces: not merely whatever creative powers may exist, but also the forces of decay, death, and destruction. The earliest novels, however, are equally concerned with the nature of society as a single structure belonging to a larger organism which embraces the natural environment and the universal. Even in Under the Greenwood Tree Hardy presupposes a natural unity which is not so distant from the organism presented in The Dynasts. The preservation and maintenance of the social unit, and thus the health of the total organism, is shown to be partly in the hands of men. Man may, by creating and preserving a balance between creative and destructive forces, also create the opportunity for the material improvement of his environment. Thus the nature of men's decisions, and the pressures to which they respond in making choice, become a fundamental theme of Hardy's earlier work. In particular, there is a stress on the unreliability of emotional or irrational choice, and the desirability of reasoned decision based on an understanding of universal and environmental forces, as well as on an understanding of the self. Man is seen, on the one hand, as a part of the natural organism; he is also seen, however, as distinguished from the natural organism, isolated by his possession of consciousness. He is obliged to accept the existence of universal forces, Chance, Time, and Decay; he is also obliged to recognise that his own actions are subject to the force of Consequence. Forethought, therefore, becomes a principal requirement of his reasoning powers. Throughout there is the assumption that 'good' conduct is conduct aimed at the material improvement of men's conditions, and, as an implicit corollary of this, at the elimination of pain. The Return of the Native marks a development of these ideas. The personal equilibrium displayed in Gabriel Oak of Far From the Madding Crowd, achieved through growth and self-knowledge, is not abandoned as a desirable objective which creates a parallel equilibrium in society; but there is a recognition that reason and consciousness are themselves products of evolution. This perception is accompanied by the further insight that with the emergence of consciousness has come a new awareness of men's predicament, and consequently a change in their understanding of their environment and their attitude towards it. In Clym and Eustacia Hardy embodies the new and the old forms of perception and aesthetic response, and shows that in this world the old way is not merely inadequate, but unable to survive. Thus a novel which seems originally designed to repeat the themes of Far From the Madding Crowd was drastically re-cast to become virtually an allegorical treatment of modes of understanding. However, the book embodies, too, Hardy's regret at the necessity of a new awareness, and suggests that his sympathies were strongly with the past though his reason recognised the new. The Mayor of Casterbridge returns to the theme of the organic society, and to the pattern of consequence which human actions may create. For the first time, too, Hardy faces openly the incompatibility between the claims of the temperamental individual and the claims of society. Again there appears to be a conflict between his sympathy for the individual and his reason, which approves the communal purpose. In Hardy's subsequent works these earlier themes are not abandoned, even though there is a stronger awareness of the irrational and potentially destructive nature of the passions and of sexuality. The basic premises of his approach to society are not altered. Nonetheless, there is a greater recognition that human institutions are frequently ill-adapted to their environment, and that in ignoring the passions they make it harder and not easier for men to function. The attack on the laws governing marriage and divorce grows naturally from his concern with the social organism however, and his concept of the nature of society is not different in kind from that of Under the Greenwood Tree and Far From the Madding Crowd. These novels, the later one more centrally, show an awareness that corruption may affect the social organism as easily as the individual. In each case the responsibility is man's, since man alone possesses the faculty of understanding. In these later novels, however, not only intellectual pressures are at work. Personal and subjective features become dominant, and the themes of sexual and hereditary determinism spring as much from personal obsession as from rational inquiry. Hardy's youthful attitudes and experiences, never completely absent, become central to an understanding of his work. Jude the Obscure in particular depends for its force on pressures not directly related to the book's themes, nor arising from then.

The purpose of this study was to elucidate the indifferent passive behavior described in persons with right cerebral hemisphere dysfunction (Bear & Fedio, 1977; Critchley, 1966; Denny-Brown, Meyer & Horenstein, 1952). The process of caring for another person encompasses an interpersonal relationship with that person. Passive behavior may interfere with that relationship (Fried, 1970), and therefore jeopardize care. This correlational descriptive study was based on an explanatory model which included hemispheric side of lesion, attention, neglect of extrapersonal hemispace, passive behavior, and mood/emotion. The following indicators of outcome variables were used: attention--bilateral skin conductance level and skin conductance response; neglect--line bisection and cancellation tasks; passive behavior--a modification of Mays' (1973) Activity Passivity Scale; mood/emotion--the anxiety and depression subscales of Kellner and Sheffield's (1973) Symptom Rating Test. The sample comprised 10 persons with a single right hemisphere stroke and 10 persons with a left hemisphere stroke. The strength of the relationships among the variables was assessed only for persons with right hemisphere stroke. The data from this sample support some of the theorized links in the conceptual model, but not others. The predicted positive relationship between right hemisphere stroke and neglect, and the negative relationship between right hemisphere stroke and anxiety were demonstrated (r = .3177 and r = -.4353, respectively). The predicted negative relationship between right hemisphere stroke and attention was not demonstrated. Unexpected significant positive correlations existed between right hemisphere stroke and estimates of attention from the left hand (r = .3111 to r = .4472). No demonstrable relationship existed between right hemisphere stroke and passive behavior. Another unexpected finding was that the scale to scale and part to whole correlations for the concepts mood/emotion and passive behavior were strikingly different for the two groups. The fact that the two groups of subjects did not interpret the contents of the two scales similarly indicated that persons with right hemisphere dysfunction view the world quite differently from those with left hemisphere dysfunction. Appreciation of these differences may allow formulation and implementation of effective care plans which will reduce frustration in both client and caregiver.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / Current Army models and simulations provide limited representation of the actions and behaviors of the individual combatant (Soldier, Sailor, Marine, or Airman). As the Army transforms into the Future Force, more emphasis is being placed on modeling the actions and behaviors of the individual combatant. The Training and Doctrine Command Analysis Center - Monterey has initiated the Individual Combatant Research Project. One research area is modeling how individual entities react to indirect fire, which is the focus of this thesis. From a study of both historical examples and current U.S. Army doctrine, we derived the input factors and responses. We selected the most significant input factors and derived a general model to represent this phenomenon. From the general model we derived a specific model that we implemented as a behavior rule using the Combined Arms Analysis Tool for the 21st Century, CXXI. In order to determine the effectiveness of the model, we used the face validation method. Our data analysis consisted of a twosample t-test, a Mann-Whitney test, and a two-way analysis of variance. From our analysis we concluded that implementation of our model in CXXI was an improvement that made CXXI more realistic and functional. / Captain, United States Army

The purpose of this study was to construct a theory of sports competitiveness which would (1) contribute to a greater understanding of competitiveness as an aspect of human behavior affecting sports performance, and (2) serve as a source of hypotheses for experimental research and as a framework for interpretation of the results of experimental studies of competitiveness.

A new theoretical model of human behavior was presented and tested in this research. Structural equation modeling (LISREL) was used to test the notion that living in an anomic family system would produce an internalized sense of normlessness or "egonomie" that precedes the development of problematic behavior for the individual.

Lam Wing Foon. / Thesis (M.Ph.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1989. / Bibliography: leaves 93-96.

Huen, Mei Yiu Jenny. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 86-90). / Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix also in Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.9 / Philosophical Origin of Human Finitude in the Literature of Philosophy / The Concept of Human Finitude in Various Fields of Psychology / The Construct of Beliefs in Human Finitude / Beliefs in Human Finitude as a Lay Theory Approach / Using Lay Beliefs of Human Finitude to Predict Behavioral Tendencies / Relationship between Beliefs in Human Finitude and Other Scales / Aims and Overview of the Studies / Chapter Chapter 2: --- Methodology / Study 1 - Development of the Scale --- p.26 / Participants / Procedures / Content Analysis / Pilot Test 1 / Pilot Test 2 / Study 2a - Qualitative Validation of the BHF --- p.40 / Participants and Procedures / Results and Discussion / Study 2b - Quantitative Validation of the BHF --- p.43 / Participants / Procedures / Results and Discussion / Study 3 - Nomological Network of the BHF --- p.50 / Participants and Procedures / Measures / Results and Discussion / Chapter Chapter 3: --- Discussion --- p.77 / General Discussion / Theoretical Significance / Limitations / Future Directions / Human Existence with Human Limitations: Some Concluding Remarks / References --- p.86 / Appendices / Appendix 1: The Extract Presented in Study 1 --- p.91 / Appendix 2a: Raw Set of 205 items in Chinese --- p.92 / Appendix 2b: Raw Set of 205 items in English (translated) --- p.98 / Appendix 3: Percentage of raters who rated each of the 205 items on the 3 essential levels --- p.106 / Appendix 4: Percentage of raters who categorized each of the 205 items into the 3 hypothesized categories or an otherwise specified category --- p.113 / Appendix 5a: Reduced Set of 184 items in Chinese --- p.120 / Appendix 5b: Reduced Set of 184 items in English --- p.126 / Appendix 6: Level of agreement to the 184 items in the reduced set --- p.133 / Appendix 7: Percentage of respondents who categorized each of the 184 items into the 7 hypothesized categories or an otherwise specified category --- p.143 / Appendix 8a: The final version of the BHF scale in four domains (Chinese version) --- p.153 / Appendix 8b: The final version of the BHF scale in four domains (English version) --- p.155 / Appendix 9: Content validity ratio (CVR) of each of the 60 items in the scale --- p.157 / Appendix 10: Percentage of raters who categorized each of the items of the BHF into the 5 hypothesized domains or an otherwise specified domain --- p.159 / Appendix 11: Factor analysis of the BHF --- p.163 / Appendix 12: The original items of essentialism (subscale of biological basis) and the rephrased items --- p.165

Narcissism is a multidimensional construct consisting of many components and a variety of conceptualizations. One such example is the NARC conceptualization of grandiose narcissism and its two subcomponents admiration and rivalry. This research aims to answer three questions about the NARC conceptualization: (1) what is the relationship between narcissism and Big Six Personality dimensions?; (2) what is the relationship between narcissism and observable behavior?; and (3) how does narcissism relate to situational experiences in daily life? Results showed that, consistent with previous research, narcissism was related to Big Six personality. Additionally, narcissism was related to observable behavior. Finally, the results also showed a relationship between narcissism and every day experience (i.e., situation experiences and state expressions of personality). Most critically, the pattern of results suggests that although admiration and rivalry are related subcomponents of narcissism, they are quite distinct in terms of their personality and behavioral correlates. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2017. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

The research sought to ascertain whether or not psychological ideas and notions ("psychological models") are used to explain human behavior and human characteristics in everyday life, and if so, are these psychological models similar to the schools of thought within the field of psychology? Also of interest was whether or not "statistical categories" use psychological models as a "style of thought," and if so, are psychological models part of the current American Weltanschauungen? The convenience sample consisted of 34 respondents who were taking an introductory sociology course, and 39 respondents from non-college settings. An open-ended questionnaire containing 13 questions asking for causal explanations of human behaviors and characteristics was used. Students filled out the questionnaire during a class and returned the questionnaires at the end of the class. The questionnaires that were administered in non-college settings were distributed by research assistants at their places of employment and collected within 24 hours. Over 900 causal explanations of human behaviors and human characteristics were collected. Each causal explanation was coded in terms of the basic cause or causes given in the causal explanation of the respondent. The causes given in the respondents• causal explanations were analyzed and it was determined what "kinds of causal explanations" respondents used. Five kinds of causal explanations were found to be used by the respondents. These were: 1) psychological explanations; 2) interpersonal explanations; 3) physiological explanations; 4) social structural explanations; and 5) cultural explanations. Also, there were multi-causal explanations which consisted of combinations of the 5 kinds of mono-causal explanations. From the kinds of causal explanations given by respondents a typology of the kinds of models respondents used to explain human behavior was developed. Each causal explanation given by a respondent was cla$sified in terms of the models typology. It was the "models" variable which was derived from the kinds of causal explanations that respondents gave that was the main variable in the research. The first part of the analysis assigned each respondent a "dominant model." The dominant model used by a respondent was determined by assessing what kind of model a respondent used more frequently than any other kind of model in the 13 causal explanations the respondent gave. The second part of the analysis assigned a dominant model to various statistical "categories" which were based on age, sex, or education. The dominant model of a category was determined by assessing the dominant model used for each question, then determining what kind of dominant model was used most frequently for explaining the 13 behaviors or characteristics. When examining the dominant model used by each respondent it was found that individuals in the sample tended to use a psychological model more frequently than any other kind of model when explaining human behaviors and characteristics. Additionally, when the age, or sex, or education of the respondent was considered in the analysis of the dominant model used by an individual it was found that only the individuals between 25 and 40 years of age tended not to use a psychological model as their dominant model. When examining the dominant model used by statistical categories, categories whose membership was based on age, sex, or education, it was found that categories tended to use a psychological model as their dominant model. However, the category "25 to 40 years of age" did not use a psychological model as the dominant model. Also, when the category whose membership was based on having taken psychology courses was compared in detail to the category whose membership was based on having not taken psychology courses it was found that these two categories used dominant and other models similarly.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 1982. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 159-164). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center.