In 1997 the International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions (IFLA) initiated a project to promote and defend the right to information. This decision to engage proactively with human rights was a radical expansion of the profession�s self-conception. Applying an action research methodology, this study traces the development and implementation of the Free Access to Information and Freedom of Expression (FAIFE) initiative. It traces the origins of the decision, and assesses the outcomes of its first five years as it developed from a project into a continuing and central program of the Federation. Both the internal effects on IFLA and the consequences of the project for the profession of librarianship are explored. The thesis locates the key decision in the history of librarianship, its growth as a profession paralleling the development of libraries as institutions. In turn, the decision is also located in IFLA�s own history, and the way it survived and worked to advance the ideas and tools of librarianship amid difficult and changing international environments. The politics of professionalism is at the core of the study. The disturbing innovation which FAIFE represented took IFLA outside its traditional focus on the status and techniques of the profession, postulating a new role for the Federation. By investing librarianship with a higher responsibility, it has gone further than the now widely accepted expectation that professionals will place community interests before organisational and personal interests at all times. The responsibility to promote the fundamental human right to information has been embraced as the key principle underlying and informing library and information service, the touchstone for evaluating professional priorities. This locates the primary purpose of the profession outside the profession�s institutional base in a supranational, absolute and almost universally recognised social goal. Adopting these aspirations and this role carried many dangers for IFLA. It would inevitably seem a deviation into politics by some. It heightened the risks of both internal dissent and external criticism. It challenged the habitus of disinterested professionalism by invoking a more interventionist social responsibility for IFLA, its constituent library associations and the broader profession. It drew on evolving and contested understandings of professional responsibilities in a complex global environment and has redrawn the accepted boundaries of professional discourse in librarianship. At least so far, the consequences have been beneficial for IFLA, reinforcing its jurisdiction and strengthening the Federation. As an international federation of professional associations, IFLA faces particular challenges in working across diverse national traditions, ideologies and cultures. Its existence and effectiveness rest primarily on internal cohesiveness. Its capacity to develop the FAIFE initiative into a program without schism, and indeed with growing support, has strengthened rather than weakened its organisational capacities. Through that process IFLA has reinvented itself, to a considerable degree, as a form of transnational social movement organisation. It has developed strong relationships with other civil society organisations while maintaining its position as a respected international professional body. It has strengthened its position by becoming a vigorous advocate for the right to information, thereby becoming an actor in the growing international concern with human rights. This study of a decisive period in IFLA�s history offers a rare example of an international professional association in transition. In examining this project to promote unrestricted access to information as the reciprocal right of freedom of expression, the research is a case study of the politics of an expanding sense of professionalism. IFLA�s experience is pertinent to a range of other organisations, and is itself part of the realignment of international political discourse in response to the growing influence of international organisations and the priority of human rights in international political agendas.

Both universal and regional international instruments seek to maintain and to strengthen peace and security through the development of friendly and co-operative relations between equally sovereign states respecting human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities. <br>History shows that failure to respect minority rights can undermine stability within states and negatively affect relations between states, thus endangering international peace. While minority situations vary greatly and the ordinary democratic process may be adequate to respond to the needs and aspirations of minorities, experience also shows that special measures are often required to facilitate the effective participation of minorities in public life. The article analyzes the contribution of international law to this field.

I. Human Rights and Democratic Movements in Armenia - Human Rights as an “Attractor” of Europeanization Processes of Transcaucasian “Neither War nor Peace Societies” (Artur Mkrtichyan) - Human Rights Defender’s Office Armenia (Larisa Alaverdyan) - The Factor of Human Rights Protection as Criteria for the Development in the Social System (Hovhannes Hovhannisyan) - Two Priorities and Two Suggestions in Leading the Way to Human Rights Protection (Gevork Manoukian) - Intrastate Mechanisms of the Protection of Human Political Rights and Freedoms in Armenia (Ashot A. Alexanyan) - The Future of Democracy in Armenia: Institutional and Mass Beliefs Perspectives (Alexander Markarov) II. Human Rights and Education in Armenia - Human Rights in the System of Civic Education Values (Valery Poghosyan) - The Role of Academic Knowledge in Maintaining Tolerance (Ani Muradyan) - Rights of a Child or Duties of Adults...? (Mira Antonyan) - The Right to Education for Children with Special Needs: Inclusive Education in Armenia (Marina Hovhannissyan) - Human Rights Awareness and UNDP Evaluation in Armenia (Kristina Henschen) - Human Rights Education in Armenia – A Base Line Study (Litit Umroyan; Lucig Danielian) III. Human Rights and Minorities in Armenia - Human Rights, Minorities and Human Rights Education in Armenia: An External Perspective (Claudia Mahler; Anja Mihr; Reetta Toivanen) - Minorities and Identity in Armenia (Tatevik Margaryan) - Legal and Real Opportunities for the National Minorities Residing on the Territory of the Republic of Armenia (Hranush Kharatyan)

The development of human civilization has not caused the world to be stable under the anarchy, and there are still many states jeopardize humanity safety seriously. If the states still just go there own way, it will certainly cause the risks in human¡¦s development and the damage to the human¡¦s survival right. Since peace will not arrive naturally, we should seek the construction of norms which will keep the human historical development on the track. In March 1999, the humanitarian intervention event in Kosovo has shown the universal human rights value, and challenged the existent paradigm of world order. Humanitarian intervention showed that states without supreme authority can do things along with justice principle and the moral reason, more than just chasing the interest and power. It also emphasized the universal identity of sovereign states under the human rights totem, as well as promoted the will and the right of individuals. It was a significant progress when humanitarian intervention accentuate universal human rights value and put it into effect, nevertheless, it is still challenged and criticized in the real world. The conflicts of interest among sovereign states must be reconciled gradually. Besides, whether the individuals or the political communities (sovereign states) should be the subject of rights and obligations in the world, as well as how should we define the hegemony are still the controversial issues. This article will takes the dialogs among parties that hold different opinions to humanitarian intervention, and try to reach the mutual recognition. It will also point out the differences of human being will be assimilated eventually in consideration of the globalization tendency. Global community which take root on the universal human rights value will be the foundation of norms which lead the world to ideal.

Abstract The purpose of this study is to examine how Greece’s migration system functions and how immigration and asylum policies manifest themselves during the countries current severe economic crisis. More precisely, examining how the regulatory framework and policies regarding refugees' and migrant situation effects practical implementation. The research questions raised are; - How are refugees and other migrants' rights in Greece respected, from a legal, political and moral perspective? What impact can racism have on the treatment of refugees and other migrants? A contextual analysis of ideas through an analysis of the political programs/agendas was used and contrasted, through theories concerning racism, nationalism and globalization to further nuance the situation concerning refugees' rights. Furthermore the study is analyzed through a HR perspective or more precisely through relevant conventions, regulations and EU directives. The conclusions are that Greece has laws and policies regarding migration, however these regulations have major flaws concerning their practical outcome. Improvements have been made to the migration system constituted of new government agencies intended to meet EU-standards, concerning the management of the asylum process. Unfortunately these improvements have been found wanting. Globalization is challenging the national and regional laws. EU and its regulations concerning asylum, does not take into account differentiated contextual realities concerning EU´s member states. People generally intend to travel through Greece and are consequently sent back to Greece by other EU states, without significant support it becomes problematic to handle this volume of people. The European Union’s protectionist policies create barriers and make access to the region more difficult, meanwhile people of other nationalities flee or migrate in hope of a more secure and humane existence. With xenophobia on the rise (both politically and socially) migrants face further difficulties, for instance fear of deportation can make the reporting of hate crimes to the authorities complicated to say the least.

Based on research involving an overview of 44 policies at Canadian universities and 21 interviews with anti-harassment practitioners across the country, this thesis explores the challenges faced by anti-harassment practitioners working with legally defined institutional harassment discrimination policies. Anti-harassment work at Canadian universities is complex because practitioners must negotiate institutional demands set out in policy as well as politicized demands from members of marginalized groups both inside and outside the institution. Interviews with practitioners reveal that their daily work in reactive investigation and mediation of complaints as well as their proactive work in educating campus communities may support the less powerful parties to complaints, rather than focusing only on limiting the institution’s legal liability. Therefore, although anti-harassment practitioners occupy a boundary role as defined by Fraser (1989), their work is not entirely “depoliticizing”. Practitioners’ identities, sense of marginalization, and commitment to activist politics contribute to their position as tempered radicals as defined by Meyerson and Scully (1995), helping to explain their commitment to both institutional prerogatives and to empowering marginalized members of the institution. The advent of neoliberalism has set the stage for the shift of discourses and practices away from those which value equity to those that underscore traditional divisions of power and challenge the demands of so-called “special interest groups’. This shift is underscored by concerns about “political correctness” that arise within institutional communities and the broader social context. Perhaps the most obvious of the changes relates to the shift from a focus on equity and human rights to what is termed the “respectful workplace model”. The inclusion of personal harassment issues in human rights policies shifts the focus of the policies to issues that are not tied to historical oppressions and can potentially deflect attention from the human rights component of these policies. The challenge is to move beyond a legalistic perspective regarding policy development and to consider changes in the broader social context that influence policy change and the work of anti-harassment practitioners.

This thesis addresses numerous key points on the application of the margin of appreciation principle in relation to Article 9 (2) of the European Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms ('Convention').1 In general terms, the margin of appreciation doctrine means that the State is allowed a certain measure of discretion, subject to European supervision, when it takes legislative, administrative, or judicial action in the area of a Convention right.2 The margin of appreciation is given to Contracting States to allow variation amongst them in terms of interpretation of the rights guaranteed.

This thesis addresses numerous key points on the application of the margin of appreciation principle in relation to Article 9 (2) of the European Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms ('Convention').1 In general terms, the margin of appreciation doctrine means that the State is allowed a certain measure of discretion, subject to European supervision, when it takes legislative, administrative, or judicial action in the area of a Convention right.2 The margin of appreciation is given to Contracting States to allow variation amongst them in terms of interpretation of the rights guaranteed.

This dissertation has three goals. The first goal is to outline how twentieth century advocates qualify education as a human right. The second goal is to offer an integrative account which argues that, to defend a right to education both the provision of educational resources and the freedom to do something with those resources must be taken into account. This requires more than the rhetoric of a UN document like the Convention on the Rights of the Child. It also requires more than the good intentions of duty-bound adults acting in the best interests of the child. To do this, it is necessary to consider how the institutional structure dedicated to education - in particular the structure dedicated to basic primary education to which the UN claims all children are entitled - integrates with the freedom each child has to do something with that basic primary education once he or she has obtained it. Finally, by identifying education as a human right within this integrative structure, this dissertation will demonstrate that, if policy documents related to education shift from a focus on the traditional relationship between an experienced adult and a dependent child to one based on the relationship between an individual and a capability set, the claim that education is a human right becomes a meaningful claim which can provide a justification for the social commitments required to recognize this claim.

This dissertation has three goals. The first goal is to outline how twentieth century advocates qualify education as a human right. The second goal is to offer an integrative account which argues that, to defend a right to education both the provision of educational resources and the freedom to do something with those resources must be taken into account. This requires more than the rhetoric of a UN document like the Convention on the Rights of the Child. It also requires more than the good intentions of duty-bound adults acting in the best interests of the child. To do this, it is necessary to consider how the institutional structure dedicated to education - in particular the structure dedicated to basic primary education to which the UN claims all children are entitled - integrates with the freedom each child has to do something with that basic primary education once he or she has obtained it. Finally, by identifying education as a human right within this integrative structure, this dissertation will demonstrate that, if policy documents related to education shift from a focus on the traditional relationship between an experienced adult and a dependent child to one based on the relationship between an individual and a capability set, the claim that education is a human right becomes a meaningful claim which can provide a justification for the social commitments required to recognize this claim.