This paper addresses the peculiar topic of western music in post 1968 Czechoslovakia with emphasis on the official music scene. It shows how western music was actually treated in Czechoslovakian society and how the image of western music was shaped within the public discourse , including many significant ambiguities. It also follows various ways (legal and also illegal) in which ordinary people used to obtain foreign music records in the era of late socialism. An analysis of actual impact of western music on Czechoslovak popular music and the role of institutions within that is also present. This paper could thus be considered as a modest contribution to the social and cultural history of socialist dictatorships.

The main aim of the graduation thesis "Reflection of a girl's world in the magazine Bravo Girl!" using Critical Discourse Analysis is to identify ideology hidden in the texts of the mentioned magazine and to analyze all forms of the ideology "us" against "them". The theoretical part focuses on the significant concepts related to a text and its analysis and simultaneously deals with social and psychological aspects of gender socialization process. Special attention is paid to topics such as family, school, friends, new technologies and media. The author finds them to be a dominant source of influence in the life of teenage girls. The analytical part presents a girl's world from the Bravo Girl! point of view and inspects the language used by girls and the magazine. It attempts to estimate to which extent the magazine through language reflects values, attitudes and priorities of teenage girls and what is the role of the magazine in this. The qualitative method of semiology analysis is applied on press advertising. Keywords Magazine, ideology, language, teenage girls, stereotypes, beauty myth

The main aim of this thesis is to prove that the style of news coverage of one topic in three different Czech newspapers differs significantly, based on ideology of authors and newspapers too. News reporting should be informative, unbiased, without assessments of its author. However the resulting article is always biased in some way. The author doesn't have to use evaluating words to evaluate; he or she can affect the result by choosing right speakers, placing them in favorable or disadvantageous position or even cut them out of the text. The author can choose which story to tell and which frame to use. This thesis focuses on crisis in the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes in April of 2013, when the director Daniel Herman was dismissed and new director Pavla Foglová was appointed. This event is suitable for the study of (hidden) evaluation and ideology, because it is closely connected with communist history of Czech nation - everyone has some opinion about it, journalists included. After the theoretical explanation of main terms and concepts like signification, discourse and ideology comes the analysis of three non-tabloid Czech newspapers: Lidové noviny, Mladá fronta DNES and Právo. Their story is the main subject of this thesis.

The subject of the diploma thesis is the Political ideologies in programs of political parties of Russia. The thesis consists of three parts. The first one concentrates on theory about ideologies predominantly function and principle of ideologies. The second one provides an overview of evolution political parties in modern Russian history and parliament election results. The third one concerned with programs of Russian current political parties and its ideologies. The goal of this thesis is definition of ideological profile of Russian political parties.

Sport is a relatively common topic in the Czech literature. The authors often focus on team sports like football or ice hockey or on the individual competitions, for example, gymnastics. Through sport various stories that include different ideas can be produced. This diploma thesis lay stress on the documentation of the transformation of sport´s image in the 30´s, 40´s and 50´s of the 20th century. The thesis also concentrates on the clarification of the term sport, different outlooks on sport because this topic is also connected with the cult of the human body. The chosen literary works research the image of sport and the ways of the interpretations. Furthermore, the thesis concerns oneself with the film, the representation of the sport and its narrative patterns in it.

Ve své diplomové se zaměřím na pojetí myšlení u Hannah Arendtové. Zejména se pokusím ukázat, že v díle Arendtové jsou přítomny dvě odlišné koncepce myšlení. První koncepce se opírá o komunikaci a svět. Podle této koncepce myšlení vychází ze společného světa a má sloužit k vybudování politických vztahů mezi lidmi. Druhá koncepce myšlení na rozdíl od první tvrdí, že myšlení je podle své definice mimosvětskou činností a nemůže sloužit k politickým účelům s výjimkou mimořádných případů. Porovnání těchto různých koncepcí myšlení bude uskutečněno na základě analýzy další mentální schopnosti člověka - soudů. Budu hájit tezi, myšlení ztratí možnost a schopnost pronikat do společného světa, protože schopnost soudů přebírá řadu funkcí, které dříve vykonávalo myšlení.

N.P. van Wyk Louw redefined the context-bound Afrikaans literature and criticism in the thirties to establish a new ‘national’ creative and critical discourse in Afrikaans. The central premise of this study is the correlation between Louw’s conceptualisation of a ‘national’ literature and Paul Ricoeur’s interpretation of utopia. In the essay collections Berigte te velde and Lojale verset (1939) Louw offers a new and confrontational grasp on the established Afrikaans literature and criticism (social and literary) within the context of Afrikaans nationalism. Louw formulates his directives for literature and society in a system of oppositional concepts. The central dualism in as well as the intellectual and structural foundation of his innovative ideas is the conceptualisation of a ‘national’ and ‘colonial’ literature. In accordance with Ricoeur’s oppositional analysis of utopia and ideology (1978a, 1981b, 1986), Louw’s distinction between a ‘national’ and ‘colonial’ literature is investigated in this study as a binary opposition based on the dualism utopia/ideology. The exploration of the ‘national’ literature as utopia and the ‘colonial’ as ideology includes the role of subordinate oppositions, among which are individual/nation and individual/national identity, in the sustaining of this polar structure. The unavoidable conflict between and exclusion of opposing elements are demonstrated by an analysis of the breaks in the reconciliation which Louw tries to effect between the ‘national’ and ‘colonial’ literatures. With reference to Ricoeur and Thompson (1984) the function of power as the common factor in utopia/ideology and the ‘national’/’colonial’ literature is investigated, and the realisation of an element of power in Louw’s critical discourse is explored. Key words: N.P. van Wyk Louw, Paul Ricoeur, binary opposition, Afrikaner nationalism, national literature, utopia, ideology, identity, power

The aim of the work is to analyze and evaluate the ideological background of Turkish society and its influence on economic and political development of Turkey and thus to bring a new complex explanation of Turkish problems on the way to the EU and prospects of their solution. The work maps socioeconomic development of the Ottoman Empire and Turkey, the influence of specific Turkish values on this development and the political efforts to modernize the system. On the basis of this analyse, it evaluates Turkish potencial for adoption of new values and their application for modernization and democratization of society. Work also analyses values of Turkish people, discovered by various opinion polls, and compares them with the standards of the EU. Consequently, it explains the differences in values by analysis of Turkish ideologies and the cleavages between them. Eventually, the work maps ideological fundamentals of contemporary Turkish political system, their reflection in Constitution, laws and political practice. It also concentrates on ideologies and goals of Turkish political parties and movements, their influence on Turkish society and their compatibility with the standards of the EU. The principal aim of this analysis is to evaluate influence of specific Turkish ideologies on Turkish political and economic development and fulfilment of political standards of the EU.

Im Zuge der Diskussionen um den Irakkrieg 2003 oder den Einsatz des israelischen Militärs gegen die Hisbollah 2006 konnte beobachtet werden, dass sich die extreme Linke stärker denn je dem politischen Islam angenährt hat. Zwar gab es bereits in den 1970ern Kooperationen linker und palästinensischer Terroristen, jedoch lässt sich festhalten, dass sich der Diskurs in Teilen der Linken (vor allem im „antizionistischen“, „antiimperialistischen“ Spektrum) ebenso wie bei den vormals eher säkular ausgerichteten arabischen Extremisten „islamisiert“ hat. Auf der anderen Seite finden sich im „islamischen Widerstand“ verschiedene Vokabeln und Denkfiguren wieder, die aus der „antiimperialistischen“ Rhetorik der Linken bekannt sind. Trotz dieser Auffälligkeiten gab es bislang nur wenige Versuche, die extreme Linke (teilweise auch die extreme Rechte) in Verbindung mit dem salafistischen Islamismus zu bringen. Der Islamismus gilt hierbei dann oftmals als „dritter Totalitarismus“ oder „Islamofaschismus“, der die Riege totalitärer Ordnungsvorstellungen von Marxismus-Leninismus und Faschismus/Nationalsozialismus um eine weitere Spielart erweitert. In der Regel erfolgt diese Einordnung und Bewertung jedoch im Rahmen politischer Kommentare oder Essays und ohne tiefer gehende theoretische Betrachtung. Arbeiten, die sich – meist aus Perspektive des bundesdeutschen Verfassungsschutzes – mit möglichen Querfrontbestrebungen beschäftigen, gleichen das theoretische Manko zwar teilweise aus, gleichzeitig jedoch entbehren sie einer tiefer greifenden Analyse der ideologischen Basis der betrachteten Extremismen und verharren bei den oberflächlich zu erkennenden Feinbildern der jeweiligen Strömungen als Vergleichsmaßstab. Die Arbeit schließt diese Lücke, indem sie in vergleichender qualitativer Betrachtung ideologische Schnittstellen zwischen der extremen Linken und dem salafistischen Islamismus untersucht. Den ideologischen Konstrukten kommt dabei eine wesentliche Rolle zu. Weltanschauliche Grundannahmen beeinflussen die Wahrnehmung der Umwelt und der eigenen Rolle innerhalb derselben; erst ihre Bindungskraft schafft einen Ordnungsrahmen, anhand dessen sich Gleichgesinnte zu einer Gruppe zusammenschließen können, um gemeinsame Ziele zu verfolgen. Diese Erkenntnis hat sich auch in konstruktivistischen Erklärungsansätzen internationaler Politik niedergeschlagen und beschränkt sich nicht nur auf die klassischen Akteure im internationalen System – die Nationalstaaten. Auch nichtstaatliche Akteure wie eben die Protagonisten des internationalen Terrorismus lassen sich auf diese Weise erfassen. In der Untersuchung wird nach einleitenden Begriffserklärungen und Ausführungen zur angewandten Methodik zunächst eine idealtypische extreme Linke konstruiert, deren spezifische Ziele, Feindbilder etc. (Primärebene) und Vorstellungen über den Weg zum Erreichen dieser Ziele (Sekundärebene) die Analysekategorie für den nächsten Untersuchungsschritt bilden. In diesem werden Quellen des Salafismus inhaltsanalytisch untersucht und so ideologische Schnittstellen aufgezeigt. Hierbei werden Sayyid Qutbs „Milestones“, Ayman az-Zawahiris „Knights under the Prophet’s Banner“ sowie verschiedene Botschaften Usama Bin Ladins als Quellenmaterial herangezogen. Der Fokus der Untersuchung liegt auf dem „al-Qa’idaismus“ als derzeit offensichtlichste Ausprägung eines weltweiten islamistischen Terrorismus. Ausgehend von der idealtypischen Linken werden dabei nicht nur Schnittmengen auf der Sekundärebene oder hinsichtlich gemeinsamer Feindbilder (Antisemitismus, Antiamerikanismus, Antikapitalismus) festgestellt, wie dies bereits von anderen Autoren teilweise vorgenommen wurde. Vielmehr finden sich auch bei der positiven Zielbestimmung zumindest deklaratorische Gemeinsamkeiten, wenn etwa auch im Islamismus eine „herrschaftsfreie Gesellschaft“ verwirklicht werden soll und das Ziel der Gleichheit aller Menschen propagiert wird. Abschließend wird die Frage diskutiert, ob sich aus den Ergebnissen neue Erkenntnisse hinsichtlich einer möglichen „Querfrontbildung“ zwischen der extremen Linken und dem Islamismus ergeben. Insbesondere durch Bin Ladin gab es bereits mehrfach Versuche, auch nicht-islamistische Kräfte für seinen Kampf zu gewinnen. Auch bei der extremen Linken finden sich Stimmen, die im Islamismus und seiner Betonung des Religiösen lediglich ein Überbleibsel alter Strukturen erkennen, die nach erfolgreichem antiimperialistischem Kampf verschwinden werden. Dass positive Zielbestimmungen geteilt werden, lässt eine Querfrontbildung zumindest von Teilen des linksextremen und islamistischen Spektrums möglich erscheinen. In dem Maße, in dem sich der „al-Qa’idaismus“ im Sinne des Modells der „Leaderless Resistance“ entwickelt, können sich auch einzelne Linksextremisten zu Solidaritätsaktionen ermutigt fühlen. / While the ideological threat by al-Qa’ida and other Islamist groups has been compared to Fascism before, comparisons with the extreme Left have been made rather seldom, despite the fact, that within the extreme Left there are noticeable trends to express solidarity with Islamists and their “anti-imperialist” struggle. At the same time, the rhetoric of leading figures of “al-Qa’idaism” borrows heavily from the social revolutionary vocabulary of the Left. This work compares key ideological premises of the extreme Left with those of Islamic fundamentalism, exemplified by Usama Bin Ladins al-Qa’ida, and derived from a content analysis of various sources of Islamism (Sayyid Qutb’s “Milestones”, Ayman az-Zawahiri’s “Knights under the Prophet’s Banner” as well as various messages by Usama Bin Ladin). Both ideologies are considered to be “resistance identities” (Castells), directed at the perceived dominance of liberal capitalism and globalization. Both propagate a pre-modern model for the organization of society, they believe to be tainted by modernism. As the first step in this approach, an ideal model of the extreme Left is constructed, trying to incorporate its various shapes into a single model. The goals and enemies (primary characteristics) as well as the proposed ways and means in order to achieve these goals (secondary characteristics) are then used in a content analysis of the sources on Islamism. While previous authors have found various convergences on the secondary level as well as common enemies, so far common goals beyond the immediate victory over the United States, Israel or capitalism have been dismissed as unlikely. This is explained by obvious differences between Islamists and leftists concerning the role of women in society or the importance of religion. However, a more thorough comparison of the two ideologies shows that, despite these differences, Islamists as well as Leftists propagate a societal model based on cooperation, without recourse to man-made laws or any form of government. This positively defined utopia could serve as a rationale for cooperation between leftist extremists and Islamists stretching beyond the “common enemy”. Already, members of the extreme Left have explained the popularity of Islamism within the Islamic world with the Marxian term of “opiate for the masses”, thus expressing belief that as soon as “repression” and “exploitation” of the Third World have ended, the need for religion will vanish. In this point of view, differences about the role of religion could be defused. The more “al-Qa’idaism” is transforming into a form of leaderless resistance, individual terrorist acts committed by Leftist extremist in “solidarity” with the “Islamic masses” could occur.

Zugl.: Köln, Universiẗat, Diss., 2004 u.d.T.: Salzborn, Samuel: Volksgruppenrecht, Antiuniversalismus und die Renaissance der Ethnopolitik.