Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 266-288).

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The partition of India in August 1947 remains a watershed in the subcontinent’s history, defining the post-independence relationship between the two countries. The event was marked by the greatest migration in the twentieth century and the death of an estimated one million persons. The causes of partition and reasons for the associated violence have been examined previously. However, existing accounts tend to focus in general terms or at best has a provincial angle with respect to patterns of violence, resettlement and rehabilitation. Research in the past has also tended to stop at August 1947 without looking beyond this period. While there has been move towards examining the “lived” experience of partition, there remains a tendency to avoid locality focused case studies. A comparative India-Pakistan dimension is also missing, even in the ‘new history’ of partition. This thesis seeks to adopt a comparative case study approach. In addition to providing new empirical data, it attempts to uncover the differential experiences of violence, migration and the resettlement of partition refugees within the Punjab region. The thesis argues, firstly that localized patterns of political authority and culture impacted on the differential experience of partition related violence; Secondly, that the experience of partition and dislocation was a process rather than an event confined to August 1947. Finally, the thesis considers the extent to which the input of refugee capital and labour were locally significant in the region’s post-partition urban economic development. The thesis adopts a comparative history methodology with the use of three case studies, namely Malerkotla, and Ludhiana in East Pubjab and Faisalabad, formerly Lyallpur in West Pubjab. The themes explored include the differential experience of partition violence through a comparison between the Muslim Princely State of Malerkotla and the neighbouring British administered districts of the Ludhiana district. Some comparative insights into the role of the state and communal violence are also drawn by means of a brief examination of the circumstances in the Sikh ruled Princely state of Patiala. Patterns of urban migration are also explored, shedding new light on the motives behind places of resettlement. Again, a comparative history methodology is used. Finally, the role of refugee capital and labour in post-independence Indian and Pakistan Pubjabs are examined through the study of Ludhiana and Lyallpur. This approach represents the most sustained comparative examination of partition and its aftermath to date based on locality case studies.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005. / Thesis Advisor(s): Peter R.Lavoy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-101) Also available online.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Peshawar. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 305-335).

This project centres on the continuing relevance of the 1947 Partition of India in texts that engage with the national landscape of Pakistan. This approach proposes that Partition cannot be understood outside of a discussion of Pakistan, as Partition emerged through demands for liberty and enfranchisement for India’s Muslims that became articulated through the discourse of the nation-state; my analysis of cultural texts asks what the implications are of this proposal. This study moves beyond looking at Partition as an isolated series of events in 1947 and contextualises its processes, interrogating why Partition and Pakistan became such a persuasive demand, and what the ongoing ramifications are of its happening. This thesis also considers what the 1971 secession of Bangladesh suggests regarding the attempts of the original cartographic articulation of Pakistan to maintain a unified nation. This project seeks to understand Partition in new ways by utilising a framework that takes into account the broader context of Partition both temporally and spatially. It moves beyond work that solely focusses on texts that discuss the moment of Partition directly, by examining texts that approach the time that preceded Partition, and that which succeeded it. In so doing this thesis charts how texts articulate the arguments for Pakistan’s creation against the events and commemoration of its becoming. I aim to be broad temporally, geographically, and in how I engage with the notion of violence, extending this to include the bureaucratic violence of drawing borders and colonial withdrawal. This study maintains a focus on women’s narratives, arguing that due to the gendered experience of violence at the time of Partition, such as rape, abduction, and honour killing, women’s stories have a particular intervention to make. As such this thesis proposes that there is a pattern of specifically gendered trauma that emerges which disrupts dominant nationalist remembering of Partition. This work takes an interdisciplinary focus by analysing fiction, feature film and documentary. Central to the study is the deployment of a number of theoretical methodologies, such as affect, cultural memory and trauma. Engagement with this critical material enables a discussion of the cultural texts that considers the role of affects in generating and maintaining national belonging, the impact of trauma on individuals who lived through Partition and on the nation writ large, and the implications of how trauma and affect are negotiated when texts imagine reparative futures.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor Of Philosophy (Development Studies) in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University of Zululand, 2018 / The thesis explores the conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir as a dispute symbol. It highlights the socio-economic implications of the conflict on the conflicting states of India and Pakistan. The conflicting symbol, Kashmir, as well as the entire South Asia that house all of them, with a view to suggest a lasting solution which it gives as, the creation of an independent Kashmir State. It is argued here that domestic politics in both India and Pakistan complicates the Kashmiri issue. In Pakistan, it has enabled the military to assume a dominant and pre-eminent position in politics. In India, a penchant for coalition government creates an immobility that is felt on the Kashmir crisis. In general, there is an on-going, serious and intense arms race between India and Pakistan that has increasingly led to a diversion of resources to investment in nuclear technology by both countries. Holding on to Kashmir has made India vulnerable to terrorist attacks, with the consequences of not only diverting developmental resources to enhancing security, but also exacerbating conflict with Pakistan. Economic relations between the main antagonists have remained marginal since the partition. Initiatives such as cooperation in water resource management between the two countries, and proposed joint development of oil and gas pipelines have failed to materialize. This led to the conclusion that both countries have allowed their economic relations with potential for huge benefits to be held hostage to the Kashmir crisis. In terms of the level of economic development, India holds big advantage. This advantage is harnessed into a superior conventional military capability which has also enabled India to rule out first strike as its nuclear doctrine. However, the disadvantageous position of Pakistan makes it view nuclear weapons as the equalizer, and the possibility of a first use is not ruled out. As a possible negotiated solution to the Kashmir conflict, it is argued here that as long as both India and Pakistan cling to their historically-entrenched positions, there is hardly any chance for permanent peace in Kashmir, thereby complicating their strategic stance in the region. It also argues that the Independence of Kashmir is the only guarantee of a lasting solution to the Kashmir conflict and South East Asia development crisis. The theories of Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism are central in this thesis to explain outcomes towards peace initiatives between India and Pakistan, and the implications for South Asia. Three specific concepts advanced by neo-realists and neo-liberal theorists are chosen to explore and explain the three principles of this study: The Balance of Power, Security and Economic Co-operation. Kashmir’s embroidery of encounters from forces of brutality, state repression particularly on the Indian occupied territories, massive militarization, stunted infrastructural and socio-economic development, insecurity to gross human rights violations leaves impacts so grave for social structures needed for modernity and sense of decent livelihood. Methodologically, the thesis provides a conceptual definition of the right to self-determination particularly from the United Nations perspective. It then applies the United Nations declared right of self-determination to Kashmir. This is achieved by outlining United Nations action on Kashmiri self-determination and then by applying the components of the right to Kashmir. The thesis concludes with some observations regarding resolving the Kashmir crisis. The central of this is the inevitable position that the realization of the right to self-determination will bring to fore in realizing peace and development for the region as a whole and to the parties involved in the crisis.

Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002. / AD-A411 188. Also available online. Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-92).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2000. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 326-342). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004. / Thesis advisor(s): Peter R. Lavoy. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.