Tagore is viewed through the medium of five books of essays which he wrote in English. Most of the essays are the texts of lectures Tagore delivered to audiences in England and America. They are important because they constitute what Tagore actually communicated to audiences and readers in the West during his tours outside India. The five books are taken chronologically in the chapters of this thesis, each one being a stage on Tagore’s journey. They are read in conjunction with information about his activities in India prior to each particular tour, his encounters during the trip, and any relevant correspondence, in order better to understand the ideas he expresses. A key finding from close study of the essays is the extent to which Tagore draws on his understanding of the evolution and special capabilities of the human species. This philosophical anthropology, or ‘deep anthropology’, is used to describe what mankind ought to be, as well as what we are. Tagore was critical of what he considered the dehumanising economic systems of the West, which were supported by educational methods that focussed narrowly on training people to participate in such systems. The ideal behind the design of Tagore’s own practical projects was a modernised and less restrictive form of traditional society, comprising networks of self sustaining villages or small communities, where children and young people are encouraged to develop their natural curiosity and creativity, and to express themselves freely with body and mind. Tagore’s approach to education and rural reconstruction, if implemented widely as he intended, could lead to a radical redesign of society, a turning of the world upside down. The aim of my dissertation is to help encourage a wider appreciation of Tagore’s pioneering work in this field.

British propaganda, delivered in the United States against immediate self-government for India in 1942, was efficiently and effectively organised. British propaganda was not adventitious. It was deliberate. The chief protagonists were Churchill and Roosevelt. Churchill's success in retaining control of government in India depended on convincing the President that there was no viable alternative. This the Prime Minister did in two ways. Firstly, his propaganda organization targetted pro-British groups in America with access to Roosevelt. Secondly, it discredited Indian nationalist leadership. Churchill's success also depended on Sir Stafford Cripps' loyalty to Whitehall and to the Government of India after his Mission in March 1942 failed to reach agreement with the Indian leaders. Cripps tailored his account of the breakdown of negotiations to fit the British propaganda line. Convincing American public opinion and, through it the President, that colonial government should remain in British hands, also depended on the right mix of censorship and press freedom in India. Britain's need to mount a propaganda campaign in the United States indicated its dual agenda: its war-related determination to maintain and increase American aid, and its longer term aim to retain control of its empire. Despite strong American support for isolationism, given legal status in the 1930s Neutrality Acts, Roosevelt was Britain's supportive friend and its ally. Britain, nonetheless, felt sufficiently threatened by the anti-imperial thrust of the Lend Lease Act and the Atlantic Charter, to develop propaganda to persuade the American public and its President that granting Indian selfgovernment in 1942 was inappropriate. The case for a propaganda campaign was made stronger by Roosevelt's constant pressure on Britaln from mid-1941 to reach a political settlement with India. Pressure was also brought to bear by the Congress Party as the price for its war-related cooperation, by China, and by the Labour Party in Britain. Japan's success in Singapore and Burma made strategists briefly assess that India might be the next target. Stable and cooperative government there was as much in America's interest as Britain's. The idea that Roosevelt might intervene in India to secure a measure of self-government there constantly worried Churchill. In turn this motivated the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Information, the India Office, the Government of India and the British Embassy in Washington to develop propaganda based, firstly, on the official explanation for the failure of the Cripps Mission and, secondly. on the elements of the August 1942 Quit India resolution which could be presented as damaging to allied war aims. The perceived danger to Britain's India-related agenda, however, did not end with substantive threats. The volatility of the American press and the President's susceptibility to it in framing policy were more unpredictable. Britain met both threats by targetting friends with access to Roosevelt, sympathetic broadcasters and pro-British sections of the press. Each had shown support for Britain during the Lend Lease debates. Britain, however, could never assume that it had won the propaganda battle or that Roosevelt would not intervene polltically on nationalist India's behalf. Roosevelt continued during 1942 and beyond to let Indian leaders know of his interest in their struggle, and information received from his Mission in New Delhi and from unofficial informants in India gave him a view of events there which differed markedly from the British account. Just as nationalist India was unsure about America's intentions, so was Britain.

This thesis aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of the political ambitions and actions of the Theosophical Society within the emerging nationalist movement in India during 1879-1930. Different theoretical perspectives have been applied depending on the historical context, and Ludwik Fleck’s theory of thought collectives and thought styles served as a general frame for interpreting the movement’s actions and development A central concern in this study has been the attempt to explain how a numerically small movement with its roots in the West could come to have political influence in India for a period of time. The study starts off in a western historical context in an attempt to uncover the reasons behind the movement's commitment to India. It focuses on a culture or civilization critique the Theosophical Society shared with several other contemporary movements. The first part of the thesis examines the theosophical movement's establishment in India. The relationship with other Indian reform movements has been identified and dividing lines behind the official's eclectic attitude have been shown. The theosophical activities in India can thus be understood in relation to its critique of the modern development of society. My study of the period partly indicates shifts in opinions over time and position-takings with clear elements of competition in relation to other reform movements. The second study examines the theosophist’s involvement in education and discusses how the nationalist/theosophical educational ideals are reflected in tuition and in textbooks. Emphasis on the connection to the students’ own reality in order to develop a national consciousness is central. One's own religion, the historical narratives and the mother language are at the forefront of a national identity. The theosophist’s ambitions were to overcome the political and religious issues, but the network that was developed were too challenging to be accepted. The third study examines theosophy in the open political arena. The pattern is partly the same in terms of methods to reach a consensus for the main target - Home Rule. The political challenges were reflected in an increased political mobilization, which broadened the political activities outside the Congress. My study shows that there was an opposition in the theosophical movement to the politicization during the war, also among leading theosophists. After the war the marginalization of Theosophy was obvious in politics when the theosophical leadership chose to opt out of the Congress under Gandhi's leadership. / Per-Olof Fjällsby

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Wollongong, 2005. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references: p. 351-380.

Dans les années 1880, en Grande-Bretagne, les idées socialistes connaissent un regain d’intérêt et des organisations socialistes sont créées. La contribution théorique et militante d’Annie Besant (1847-1933) à l’effervescence intellectuelle du « renouveau socialiste » a été importante. Annie Besant a pourtant été marginalisée par les historiens du mouvement socialiste. Après dix ans de militantisme dans la National Secular Society (NSS), l’organisation radicale, mais antisocialiste de Charles Bradlaugh, Annie Besant en vient, dans de nombreux articles et opuscules, à définir un socialisme évolutionniste. Elle exige l’intervention de l’État dans l’économie ainsi que la mise en place de droits sociaux. En 1885, elle adhère à la jeune Société fabienne et participe à l’élaboration de la doctrine fabienne fondée sur l’implication des socialistes dans les institutions politique et sur un collectivisme graduel. En aidant les allumettières de chez Byrant and May lorsqu’elles se mettent en grève puis forment un syndicat, Annie Besant contribue au « nouvel unionisme ». En 1888, lorsqu’elle est élue au conseil des écoles de Londres, elle défend ouvertement un programme socialiste. En 1889, Annie Besant se convertit à la théosophie, doctrine spiritualiste inspirée par les religions et les philosophies orientales. Dans un premier temps, elle renonce au militantisme politique et social. Cependant, après son installation en Inde, elle milite pour l’autodétermination de cette nation dès les années 1910. Elle s’intéresse de nouveau aux idéaux socialistes et cherche à nouer des alliances au sein du parti travailliste. Prendre en compte l’évolution du parcours d’Annie Besant, ainsi que les prolongements de son engagement socialiste, permet de mieux appréhender la nature et le développement du socialisme britannique de la fin du XIXe et du début du XXe siècle. / In the 1880s, socialist ideas attracted renewed interest in Britain and socialist organisations were set up. Annie Besant (1847-1933)’s theoretical and militant contribution to the intellectual ferment of the “Socialist Revival” was important. Annie Besant was nevertheless marginalised by historians of the socialist movement. After ten years of militancy in Charles Bradlaugh’s radical but anti-socialist National Secular Society (NSS), Annie Besant came to argue in numerous articles and pamphlets, for an evolutionary socialism, demanding state intervention in the economy and the establishment of social rights. In 1885, she joined the newly formed Fabian Society and took part in the elaboration of the Fabian doctrine based on involvement in traditional politics and gradual collectivism. In helping the Bryant and May’s women matchmakers when they struck and formed a union, Annie Besant contributed to “new unionism”. In 1888, when she was elected to the London School Board, she openly defended a socialist programme. In 1889, Annie Besant converted to theosophy, a spiritualist doctrine inspired by eastern philosophies and religions. First, she gave up political and social agitation. However, after moving to India she agitated for Home Rule in India from the 1910s. Her interest in socialist ideals was renewed and she sought to make alliances within the Labour party. Taking into account the evolution her career, but also the sequel to her socialist commitment, is crucial to understand the nature and the development of British socialism at the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century.