This study examined the issues of culture, measurement and development involved in field-dependent-independent cognitive style research with Native Indian and Non-Indian students. Two cultural groups were tested, and each group consisted of 75 students from ages 8 to 12. One of the cultural groups was composed of Tsimshian Indians living in villages outside of Prince Rupert, and the other was composed of non-Natives living in Prince Rupert. Four measures of field-dependent-independent cognitive style were individually administered to students. One test (Embedded Figures Test) was established as the criterion measure of cognitive style, and the potential of the other three tests as measures of cognitive style was investigated. Five ages were included so that differences in developmental trends could be determined. Results showed that the non-Natives scored significantly closer to the field-independent end of the continuum than the Natives on two of the four measures of cognitive style. These results indicated that cultural differences do exist between the two cultural groups for two of the measures. The four cognitive style measures were found to inter-correlate highly, which indicated that they form a reasonable battery to use for measuring field-dependence-independence. Results also showed no interaction between age and culture, thereby indicating that no significant differences in development existed between the two cultural groups. In both groups, cognitive style developed in the same linear sequence, and reached the same level of development by age 12. / Education, Faculty of / Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education (ECPS), Department of / Graduate

No description available.

The purpose of this study was to define the patterns of socialization on a contemporary Indian Reserve and to show how these patterns relate to other aspects of the society in which they operate. In particular, our aim was to assess whether the patterns of child rearing could be expected to produce individuals prepared to fulfil adult role requirements, or whether discontinuities existed between child-rearing practices and adult role expectations. In order to fulfil this aim, two categories of data were collected, one pertaining to the many facets of adult life, and the other to the training of children. These data are presented in the form of a fairly extensive ethnography with a focus on child-rearing practices. The most significant, and the most extensively employed method of investigation was participant observation. Both adults and children were observed in as many situations as possible. Interviewing took the form of informal conversation. Only two aspects of data collection assumed any degree of formality. These were the recording of genealogies and of general census information such as the sex, age, education, and employment of household members. During census interviews, mental notes were taken of the physical surroundings. In particular, the number, size, and functions of rooms, and the amount, condition, and functions of furniture and appliances were noted. An analytical tool was devised to assist in the organization and analysis of the ethnographic data, according to the research aims presented above. This theoretical framework was based on those presented in works by J.W.M. Whiting and B.B. Whiting. Essentially, the data were categorized into manageable segments labelled Ecology, Maintenance Systems (including Economy, Social Structure, and Political Structure), Adult Personality, Adult Behavior, Projective Systems (including Religion and the Supernatural, and Medical Practices), Child-Rearing Practices, Child Personality, and Child Behavior. The data were presented under these headings and then the relationships between the categories of data were analyzed, the continuities and discontinuities between child-rearing practices and each of the other data categories being particularly noted. The conclusions were briefly as follows: In the Maintenance System -- Economy, Child-Rearing Practices were found to be consistent with traditional economic practices. Inconsistencies and discontinuities were evident, however, between child-rearing practices and modern economic role expectations. These present-day expectations included the roles of wage-earner and of Band administrator. The patterns of formal education were also found to be discontinuous with the roles which children would be required to fulfil as adults. Although changes were found to be occurring in education patterns, they appeared to emanate from the children themselves, manifesting in adolescence; new educational goals were not seen to be stressed in child training. In the Social Structure, it was found that child training was not adequately preparing the young for meeting and relating to non-kin; here again there were inconsistencies between child-rearing practices and adult role requirements. It was found, however, that consistent changes were occurring in kinship terminology in response to changing ideas and attitudes regarding courtship and marriage customs; these changing attitudes were being incorporated into patterns of child rearing. In the Political Structure, it was found that child-rearing practices in no way prepare children for future roles as Band leaders. However, the adult leaders appear to cope admirably and perhaps no special preparation is necessary. Only independence training appeared to present problems in the political sphere, where teamwork is essential. One aspect of child training, discipline, was examined in detail; its interrelationships with each category of data were discussed. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

The purpose of this investigation was to determine whether Indian children differ significantly from white children, and whether urban Indian children differ significantly from rural Indian children in their mental abilities; and to identify possible differences with implications for Indian education. The study was motivated by a concern over the pattern of poor school achievement and early drop-out which became more obvious among Indians in the late 1960's when integration into British Columbia public schools was rapidly accelerated. A sample of 62 Indian pupils (CA range, 76 months to 108 months), including 27 urban children from Vancouver School District and 35 rural children from Merritt School District were administered the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale Form L-M. Results were obtained for the sample and for each sub-group in the form of mean IQ scores and mean scores on 14 of Guilford1s Structure of Intellect (S. O. I.) ability categories. In the latter case, an adaptation of Meeker's:procedure for S. O. I. analysis of Binet responses was used. Urban results were compared with rural results and Indian results were compared with white population norms. The latter were derived on the basis of the Binet standardization. 1. Hypothesis number one was that there would be significant differences between Indian children and white children on all S. O. I. ability categories and on IQ. The differences between mean scores were statistically significant on all ability categories (p< .05). Indian scores were lower but not uniformly lower. The Indian mean IQ was 87.47. The difference between this and IQ=100.00 was statistically significant (p< .001). 2. Hypothesis number 2 was that there would be no significant difference between urban and rural Indian children on any S. O. I. ability category or on IQ. The difference between mean scores was not statistically significant on any category. The urban mean IQ was 87.37 and the rural was 87.54. The difference was not statistically significant. 3. Hypothesis number 3 was that there would be significant differences between both urban and rural Indian children, and white children, on their profiles of mean scores on S. O. I. ability categories. Differences were statistically significant, Indian groups being lower (p< .01). 4. Hypothesis number 4 was that there would be no significant difference between urban and rural Indian children on their profiles of mean scores on S. O. I. ability categories. No statistically significant difference was found. The results suggest that Indian children are less well equipped with abilities which are important to do well in school than white children. However, it appears that they are not uniformly lower in these abilities. Further research might determine whether remedial practice for Indians fitted to the differential pattern of S. O. I. abilities indicated in this investigation, would help close the gap between Indian and white level of achievement. The results imply that such remedial practice would be equally suitable for urban and rural Indians. / Education, Faculty of / Graduate

No description available.

This study sought to determine if there are any differences in an analysis of language samples between urban Indian, reservation Indian, and urban White first-grade children. The Mean Length of Response (MLR) (Templin, 1957), Developmental Sentence Score (DSS) (Lee, 1974), and individual DSS items were used to analyze language used by the three groups of children. The study involved thirty-nine children, thirteen children in each group, between the ages of six years, six months, and seven years, four months. All subjects were screened to determine grade, residency, Indian blood, speech, language, hearing, and physical status. Testing for hearing vocabulary was performed at the beginning of the testing situation to determine eligibility for the study.