This study explores the meaning and value of Basotho traditional farming practices and Indigenous knowing using Indigenous methodology. The study sought to 1) understand the core tenets of Basotho traditional farming practices that involve Indigenous knowledge and sustainable land care; 2) investigate the implications of these practices, and how they may inform school curriculum in ways that promote food security and reduce child hunger; and 3) examine the role of gender in food practices in Lesotho. I collaborated with women Elders who knew oral traditions or traditional farming practices by working with children on a school farm. I used Basotho ways of knowing and communication to gather data including storytelling and observation. I complemented my observation data by utilizing photographs and field notes. The Elders shared their farming experiences, oral traditions, and knowledge including the cultural and survival significance of selecting, preserving, and sharing seeds, how to grow diverse, healthy, and nutritious food and how to be food self-sufficient. They spoke of and demonstrated ways to gather people together as a community to plant, harvest, and share food while caring for the land through culturally respectful practices. The Elders further shared ways to think about and relate to the land as a gift, as 'a being' from Creator, to be respected and cared for in the same way humans care for themselves. The Elders underscored the need to promote food security and land care through a food curriculum that embraces traditional farming practices steeped in Indigenous knowledge. Farming practices such as letsema (community collaborating in fieldwork), hlakantsutsu culture (diversified mixed cropping), koti (minimizing tillage), use of animal dung and ash fertilizers, selecting and preserving native seeds and molala (allowing land to rest after harvest) can constitute a desired curriculum. The Elders taught me what I understood as, and call, the principles of Re seng (we are all related): all humans and non-humans alike, rootedness, letsema (community collaboration), interdependence, connectedness, reciprocity, respect and care for the land. Reflection on these principles continuously shaped the study's theoretical framework with consequent implications on the participatory action methodology, which I characterize as the Basotho Indigenous Participatory Action Methodology.

No description available.

Thesis (M.A. (Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2008.

Thesis (M.A. (Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2008.

The contemporary notion of sustainability is emerging as a political response to ecological and social problems associated with human development. It is a contested concept - eco-modernists interpret it as a call to rethink or adjust industrial production systems while others interpret it as a fundamental challenge to the dominant development paradigm. Corporations are playing a key role in shaping the discourse. Many argue that since corporations have enormous influence in the global political economy, they must take the lead in the search for sustainability. The World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD) promotes eco-efficiency - an eco-modernist stance - as the primary business contribution to sustainability. However, the potential of the corporate focus on efficiency to contribute to sustainability is a subject of debate. In this thesis, I use a heterogeneous methodological approach to explore the interaction between corporations (with a focus on multinational corporations) and the discourse of sustainability in order to identify the potential for positive outcomes. I consider the compatibility of aspects of corporate identity and organisational structure to the ethos of sustainability. This leads to an examination of the meeting between corporations and sustainability as a reflexive process, paying particular attention to the ways in which language and mythology serve to uphold or transform existing power relations. I also explore forms of knowledge relevant to sustainability, comparing those that are typically emphasized in corporate enterprise with traditional, Indigenous and local ways of knowing that are essential to sustainability. The knowledge of classical equestrianism is used as an example in this analysis. Practical ways of including all these essential perspectives in the discourse are considered. The thesis concludes that certain aspects of corporate identity, structure and function are incompatible with the ideals of sustainability and that these disparities must be borne in mind as corporations attempt to embrace sustainability. I contend that sustainability requires network approaches that integrate strong and weak relations as well as diverse values and forms of knowledge. Sustainability can only be achieved with broad civic engagement that allows the synergistic combination of all values and knowledges relevant to sustainability. Furthermore, I argue that while corporations’ orientation towards market-based strategies has significant potential to support sustainability, it is limited since the market is fundamentally constituted by a network of weak ties. Therefore the thesis argues that while corporations can provide significant benefits in terms of sustainability, they cannot be expected to lead the sustainability agenda as it requires discursive plurality. The efficacy of the corporate contribution to sustainability will be greatly enhanced if companies are guided by strong democratic processes of deliberation and community engagement.

Thesis (M.I.S.) - University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermarizburg, 2009. / Full text also available online. Scroll down for electronic link.

This study explores the meaning and value of Basotho traditional farming practices and Indigenous knowing using Indigenous methodology. The study sought to 1) understand the core tenets of Basotho traditional farming practices that involve Indigenous knowledge and sustainable land care; 2) investigate the implications of these practices, and how they may inform school curriculum in ways that promote food security and reduce child hunger; and 3) examine the role of gender in food practices in Lesotho. I collaborated with women Elders who knew oral traditions or traditional farming practices by working with children on a school farm. I used Basotho ways of knowing and communication to gather data including storytelling and observation. I complemented my observation data by utilizing photographs and field notes. The Elders shared their farming experiences, oral traditions, and knowledge including the cultural and survival significance of selecting, preserving, and sharing seeds, how to grow diverse, healthy, and nutritious food and how to be food self-sufficient. They spoke of and demonstrated ways to gather people together as a community to plant, harvest, and share food while caring for the land through culturally respectful practices. The Elders further shared ways to think about and relate to the land as a gift, as 'a being' from Creator, to be respected and cared for in the same way humans care for themselves. The Elders underscored the need to promote food security and land care through a food curriculum that embraces traditional farming practices steeped in Indigenous knowledge. Farming practices such as letsema (community collaborating in fieldwork), hlakantsutsu culture (diversified mixed cropping), koti (minimizing tillage), use of animal dung and ash fertilizers, selecting and preserving native seeds and molala (allowing land to rest after harvest) can constitute a desired curriculum. The Elders taught me what I understood as, and call, the principles of Re seng (we are all related): all humans and non-humans alike, rootedness, letsema (community collaboration), interdependence, connectedness, reciprocity, respect and care for the land. Reflection on these principles continuously shaped the study's theoretical framework with consequent implications on the participatory action methodology, which I characterize as the Basotho Indigenous Participatory Action Methodology. / Education, Faculty of / Curriculum and Pedagogy (EDCP), Department of / Graduate

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Education in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Education in the Department of Maths, Science and Technology Education at the University Of Zululand, South Africa, 2014 / There has recently been a renewed interest emanating from the Department of Basic Education in the inclusion of indigenous knowledge in the mainstream science curriculum. The aims and principles of the new curriculum statement seek to realign themselves with those of the Constitution of the Republic, which highlight inclusivity, valuing indigenous knowledge and the environment, and social justice for all. In an attempt to address some of the glaring fundamental oversights in the curriculum statement. To this end, the Department of Basic Education has identified indigenous knowledge that can be integrated into the science curriculum and be taught at school. The challenge that baffles many interested and affected parties in education is the absence of clear guidelines as to what aspect of IK can be integrated into the science classroom, as there was never any curriculum training for teachers in this regard. This study was conducted within the community of Emacekane in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, to explore the feasibility of integrating indigenous knowledge within the science curriculum. The following objectives were established to answer the research questions. The first was to determine whether or not IK can be integrated within the science subjects as taught in Empangeni schools. The second was to explore whether or not effective partnerships exist between schools and the surrounding indigenous communities in the development and authentication of IK for the purposes of integration within the school curriculum. The third was to examine the contribution of socio-cultural practices towards the preservation of indigenous knowledge. The results of this study reveal that the Department of Basic Education should invest more resources and underscore the importance of extending thinking about IK-science integration beyond aspects that suit science content, to considering more fruitful and comprehensive methods of teaching and learning science, as well as their relevance to community needs.

Through interviews with Western educated scientists who also identify as Indigenous tribal members, this study seeks to understand how two knowledge systems, Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) and Western Science Knowledge Systems (WSKS) can cogenerate knowledge. Interviewees for this study, as primary sources, contributed to the construction of a new concept, the boundarywalker framework, that conceptualizes the dynamics of equitable science between the knowledge systems through several key principles that promote inclusivity, mutual respect, and collaborative knowledge cogeneration. By bridging these distinct epistemic worlds, the boundarywalker framework facilitates equitable dialogue and challenges structural injustices that have historically marginalized Indigenous perspectives. This study addresses the challenges and possibilities of equitable knowledge cogeneration, where both knowledge systems contribute uniquely while retaining their distinct values. Through in-depth analysis of boundarywalker practices, the research highlights two foundational principles: epistemic pluralism, which fosters the coexistence and mutual enrichment of diverse worldviews, and epistemic revolution, which seeks to democratize the frameworks of knowledge production by centering marginalized voices and advancing reflexive justice. This involves a continuous re-evaluation of inclusivity, ensuring research methodologies and priorities are shaped by Indigenous perspectives. The boundarywalker framework offers a pathway toward an ethical, pluralistic, and reflexive science, where IKS and WSKS cogenerate knowledge as equal partners. Through epistemic pluralism and democratized framesetting, the boundarywalker framework envisions a science that honors diverse epistemologies, advances sustainable knowledge production, and strengthens the resilience of both scientific and Indigenous communities. / Doctor of Philosophy / This study explores how Indigenous scientists bridge Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) and Western Science (WS) to create a more inclusive, respectful, and balanced approach to knowledge. These boundarywalkers blend insights from both worlds, recognizing the strengths of each while challenging the dominance of Western scientific frameworks. The research highlights two main ideas: epistemic pluralism and epistemic revolution. Epistemic pluralism encourages valuing multiple perspectives, allowing Indigenous and Western approaches to coexist and complement one another. Epistemic revolution involves rethinking how knowledge is created, giving Indigenous voices a central role in shaping scientific research, priorities, and practices. Overall, the boundarywalker framework envisions a future where Indigenous and Western knowledge systems work together as equal partners, creating a richer, more just science that respects cultural diversity and strengthens communities. Through collaboration and mutual respect, this model fosters a science that honors the unique contributions of different ways of knowing and supports sustainable, community-centered solutions.

PhD (African Studies) / Department of African Studies / Inwi nwana, ni tou vha khundavhalai! (you child, you defeated your guide!). When a child behaved disrespectful to society, and is ill mannered, in Tshivenda, he/she would be referred to as Khundavhalai. Khundavhalai is made out of two Tshivenda words (Khunda + Vhalai which could be equalled to defeating + guides), meaning the one who defeated those who should guide him/her. The system and process of guiding could be equaled to u laya. Nwana is a child. The purpose of this study was to reflect on the Afro-centric practices of u laya nwana- guiding a child with particular reference to the Vhavenḓa culture. The decision to conduct this study was influenced by concerning incidences of behavior that could be associated with khundavhalai. The question was how did vhalai convey ndayo (The content and processes of u laya)? Bearing in mind a lack of documentation on these practices, I envisaged that the reflections would provide insights about how Vhavenda people guided children, with the hope that what was good could be blended with contemporary practices. The study employed a qualitative reflective paradigm. In-depth interviews were conducted with six elderly people who were key informants, to establish how u laya ṅwana was practised in the olden days. Olden days referred to a period before the 1980s. Key informants were asked to reflect on the processes and content of u laya ṅwana, and to identify positive practices that could be applied in the revival process of u laya vhana. Findings showed that u laya nwana was done throughout a child’s development, using different forms, such as songs, folklore, games, proverbs within a family context and communally through initiation schools(ngoma). There was a strong collaborative system between the families, traditional leadership, and key community figures who had the trust of the families and the royal household to run initiation schools. Participants were concerned that these practices have since vanished. A few that still exist are not without challenges. I got an opportunity to visit and observe at least two of those schools. The programme to revive ndayo was suggested, which encourages adaptive processes and collaborative effort between traditional initiation schools, families, communities, schools, churches, and relevant government departments. / NRF