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Masters Research - Master of Social Science / I identify as Koori and belong to the Worimi and Bundjalung peoples of N.S.W. I grew up in the inner city suburb of Waterloo and spent school holidays at Port Stephens with my Grandparents who informed me of the world, the ways of the ‘Old People’ and our link with them. I also developed links to my Father’s north coast country and to a pan-Aboriginal community in Sydney. At a meeting at the Aborigines Progressive Association I met Wayne and we have been married for 41 years. We have one daughter Kathleen and we are enjoying a ‘second parenthood’ with grandchildren Phoebe, Andrew and Harrie. Through my writing I hope to contribute to overturn the myths, which continue to oppress my people. This thesis uses the method of tribalography developed by Choctaw author LeAnne Howe (2002) to contextualise my life experience and research journey as part of the broader Indigenous encounter with modernity. In reviewing the literature relevant to this area I expand on the concept of tribalography to make this a foundational philosophy in approaching Aboriginal women’s autobiography. As such the three key works cited are part of my extended kinship network. I also engage with the debate on the differences between Western and Indigenous knowledges and a general historical overview of colonial and twentieth century attitudes and policies towards Aboriginal peoples to provide the external context of the life histories discussed. Methodologically, I use different voices, from a naturalistic representation of oral history to a literature-based analysis of theory and historical events. This includes an analysis of the family photographs for their value in oral history and ethnographic insight. I also use other forms of primary source material such as newsletters from the organisations that I was involved in during the 1960’s and the Dawn magazine, which was the official newsletter for the Aborigines Welfare Board. I also include collaboratively written work with my daughter that exemplifies the multi-generational continuance of tribalography.

Masters Research - Master of Social Science / I identify as Koori and belong to the Worimi and Bundjalung peoples of N.S.W. I grew up in the inner city suburb of Waterloo and spent school holidays at Port Stephens with my Grandparents who informed me of the world, the ways of the ‘Old People’ and our link with them. I also developed links to my Father’s north coast country and to a pan-Aboriginal community in Sydney. At a meeting at the Aborigines Progressive Association I met Wayne and we have been married for 41 years. We have one daughter Kathleen and we are enjoying a ‘second parenthood’ with grandchildren Phoebe, Andrew and Harrie. Through my writing I hope to contribute to overturn the myths, which continue to oppress my people. This thesis uses the method of tribalography developed by Choctaw author LeAnne Howe (2002) to contextualise my life experience and research journey as part of the broader Indigenous encounter with modernity. In reviewing the literature relevant to this area I expand on the concept of tribalography to make this a foundational philosophy in approaching Aboriginal women’s autobiography. As such the three key works cited are part of my extended kinship network. I also engage with the debate on the differences between Western and Indigenous knowledges and a general historical overview of colonial and twentieth century attitudes and policies towards Aboriginal peoples to provide the external context of the life histories discussed. Methodologically, I use different voices, from a naturalistic representation of oral history to a literature-based analysis of theory and historical events. This includes an analysis of the family photographs for their value in oral history and ethnographic insight. I also use other forms of primary source material such as newsletters from the organisations that I was involved in during the 1960’s and the Dawn magazine, which was the official newsletter for the Aborigines Welfare Board. I also include collaboratively written work with my daughter that exemplifies the multi-generational continuance of tribalography.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of IsiZulu Namagugu At the University of Zululand, 2007. / Indigenous people today are seeking to transcend the history of pain and loss that began with the coming of Europeans into our world. In the past 500 years, our people have suffered murderous onslaughts of greed and disease. Even as history's shadow lengthens to mark the passing of that brutfal age, the Western compulsion to control remains strong. To preserve what is left of our cultures and lands, is a constant fight. Some indigenous people believe the statements of regret and promises of reconciliation spoken by our oppressors. Some have come to trust and accept the world that has been created through colonization ... But those who find sincerity and comfort in the oppressor, who bind themselves to recent promises, must yield to the assimilationist demands of the mainstream and abandon any meaningful attainment to an indigenous cultural and political reality. Thankfully, those who accept the colonization of their nations are a small minority. Most people continue to participate in, or at least support, the struggle to gain recognition and respect for their right to exist as peoples, unencumbered by the demands, controls and false identities imposed on them by others. Amid the seemingly perpetual conflict that comes with defending our ideals, there is confusion, division, and sometimes despair. Sometimes it seems we have lost our way, and then the confusion, division and despair threaten to overwhelm us again. Distracted from our goal, we wander a forest of frustration living inauthentic lives that make us easy prey for those who would enslave us. Such times constitute crises, and we are in the midst of one today.... '

This thesis contributes to our understanding of the impacts of political, social and economic dynamics of contemporary “free-market cities” on indigenous people that leave their traditional territories to settle on Latin American metropolises. The thesis examines the case of indigenous Shipibo migrants from the Amazon that have occupied in Lima, Peru a landfill site owned by the municipal government, and developed there a shantytown. The analyzes of the case sheds light on the innovative strategies that the Shipibo resort to in order to survive in the absence of formal jobs and social programs, and even despite recurrent threats to their social and cultural rights. Through the production of traditional handicraft, they collectively become ethnic entrepreneurs and enter the vast urban informal economy. Beside its interesting consequences for local politics and gender relations, this ethnic economic practice also becomes a way of group making and community building. After prolonged waits –during which the state appeared intermittently and with ambiguous messages–, the Shipibo finally face they most dreaded fear: eviction. Upon confronting this situation, and lacking the clientelistic networks in which Andean migrant peasants could count on in past decades, the Shipibo utilize a innovative repertoire of contained contention to appeal to the leftist municipal authority and thus articulate functional alliances with the goal of gaining land tenure. / text

Culture is dynamic and capable of adapting to new conditions. Practices that are useful and harmless should be made available to those who need them. Many people believe the transmission of the indigenous knowledge will strengthen their cultural life. Attention should be given to the ways of preserving the knowledge. Some elders believe in their knowledge and prefer to see it being protected. Indigenous languages should be developed to become the media of instruction. After talking to people in communities, the researcher understands how important the knowledge is to them. They give attention to the mainstreaming of the knowledge. Some people believe culture molds their lives.Their beliefs about the past are more important than the actual sequence of events. Many believe traditional values emphasising mutual influences beteen various aspects of communities are combined with western beliefs, that place a high value on individuality and independence. Researchers believe each generation grow up in a mass of tradition and pass through. As they grow they learn different cultures, but only need guidance in learning them. People understand that cultural knowledge develops, changes and improves with time. Problems arise when individuals come into contact with other people of different cultures. / Prof. R.S. Chaphole

This thesis examines criminal law in the context of Australian indigenous–settler relations. Through the jurisprudence of Justice Kriewaldt in the Northern Territory, it explores the relationship between the policy of assimilation and the application of the criminal law to Aboriginal people. Justice Kriewaldt was the sole judge of the Northern Territory Supreme Court during the 1950s. This was an important period in Australian history when the assimilation policy was at its highpoint. The thesis focuses on three areas of criminal justice—provocation, sentencing and alcohol consumption regulation. Both for Justice Kriewaldt and, in contemporary times, these areas were and continue to be of particular relevance to Aboriginal people confronting the criminal justice system. The thesis demonstrates that Justice Kriewaldt’s approach in these areas was informed by his support for the assimilation policy. It is argued that Justice Kriewaldt generally understood Aboriginal people to be uncivilised and that he applied the criminal law to assist in civilising Aboriginal people so that they could become assimilated. / This thesis also explores how Justice Kriewaldt’s jurisprudence has pervaded current approaches to dealing with the interaction between Aboriginal people and the criminal law. The thesis argues that although echoes of Kriewaldt’s 1950s approach are persistent within contemporary applications of the criminal law to Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory, there have also been shifts in approach. It is contended that Aboriginal people are increasingly understood to be culturally devastated and sick, and that contemporary criminal law frequently aims to restore and repair Aboriginal people to their communities, rather than to assimilate Aboriginal people. It is argued that this approach has opened up a space for Aboriginal people to become more involved in the application of criminal justice and, from this involvement, a form of weak legal pluralism has emerged.

During the 1980s the Latin American indigenous people have made successful advancements to protect their rights as human beings by strategic framing, the Sami on the other hand has not made the same progress. The gap in the literature is that scientific papers concerning the Sami are very few, to my knowledge, none of the scientific papers cover framing at all in their content. The gap is then, framing related to Sami activity. My aim of this thesis is to analyze the kinds of arguments and “frames” a Sami organization uses to argue for Sami rights. Three successful frames that are in use by other indigenous organizations around the world are used to categorize the frames that the Sami Council is using. The data that has been gathered are from the Sami Council, I will look for frames that the Sami Council are using by the method known as core frame task. What I found out was that the Sami do use Discrimination frame and Cultural identity frame to a large extent which other successful indigenous organizations also uses, and thus the Sami should be as successful as the Latin American indigenous people. The findings of Sami Council frames will be of help for other scholars to find out what the real cause of the Sami´s slow progress towards self-determination.

In this investigation I discuss power relations between agricultural frontier colonists and the Nicaraguan State, within a framework of neoliberal environmental policies. In so doing, I analyze the origins of this relationship, construction and nature of the State, mestizos-peasants-colonists identity, migration to the agricultural frontier, and the space under contention. Under the pressure of the World Bank, the State has passed several environmental and indigenous rights protection laws. This legal framework involves evicting the colonists from indigenous territories and natural reserves. It has been a decade since the framework was passed, but the government has not fulfilled this duty. This fact raises question about the capabilities of the colonists to remain within those places and the willingness of the government to enforce the law. Between 2009 and 2014, I did ethnographic work and collected geographic information in Mayangna Sauni Bas and Mayangna Sauni Bu indigenous territories, located in the northwest region of Nicaragua. My findings reveal that the colonists are engaged in micropolitics relations with local mestizo power groups. These relations grant protagonism to the colonists to negotiate with the government those measures that they regard as unfair. I reached two main conclusions: the State has marginalized and racialized the colonists, and contradictory interests among the power groups that form the State contribute to these micropolitics relations. This dissertation argues the need to focus agricultural frontier studies in more inclusive and integral ways. Colonists have played the double role of being victimizers of indigenous people and their environmental resources, and victims of ambitions and discrimination from the State. The experiences that colonists, and peasants in general, have acquired through generations under abuses and violence are shaping their own knowledge and political standpoint. / text