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Zakat (almsgiving), sedekah (donation, giving) and waqf (religious endowment) are forms of philanthropy Muslims in Indonesia, as well as in other parts of the world practice. This thesis examines the historical development of Islamic philanthropy and questions how Islamic philanthropic activities have affected the relationship between faith and the state. It discusses a contestation between the state and Muslim civil society in managing Islamic philanthropy. / The thesis shows that the history of Islamic philanthropy in Indonesia is one of rivalry between faith and the state: between efforts to involve the state in managing philanthropic activities and efforts to keep them under the control of Muslim civil society which uses Islamic philanthropy to empower itself and to promote social change. Activities and efforts to modernise Islamic philanthropic practices have mostly been supported by Reformist Muslims in their aim to Islamise society and by Islamists who aim to Islamise the state. The interrelation between Muslim civil society and the state in the history of Islamic philanthropy in Indonesia is dynamic. It demonstrates a contested balance between private faith and the public realm, or between Muslim civil society and the state. From the time of the Islamic monarchs, through the period of Dutch colonialism and up to contemporary Indonesia, there have been different levels of development and interest in Islamic philanthropy, either from the rulers or from Muslim civil society. / Philanthropy is an indication of the strength of civil society. Throughout Islamic Indonesian history, there has been a balance between the efforts to either keep philanthropy under the control of Muslims or to institutionalise it under state control. When the state was weak, philanthropy developed powerfully and was used to challenge the state. When the state was strong and powerful, Muslim civil society tended to weaken but still found ways to use philanthropic practices in the public sphere to promote social change. In modern-day Indonesia this phenomenon is very much still the practice. / While state imposition of philanthropic practices, in particular zakat, has been contested, philanthropy remains a firm basis of civility. The thesis argues that although political circumstances influence the development of Islamic philanthropy, the state‘s capacity to control it is sharply limited because Muslim philanthropic practice is generated by the altruistic and reciprocal nature of people. For the most part, Islamic philanthropy remains in the hands of Muslim civil society, irrespective of the political nature of the state.

This study investigates the Indonesian experience in managing the privatization of State Controlled Enterprises (SCEs) during the period from 1983 to 1993. The main objective of this study is to assess and explore the following research question: Why has there been little ownership transfer from state to the private sector in Indonesia even though official policy objectives and strategies for proving SCEs have been articulated and firms have been selected for potential privatization? Realizing complex combination of challenges and obstacles faced by Indonesia, attempts to answer the research question are directed at three main issues: (1) the role of SCEs in the overall national economy; (2) factors that led the Indonesian government to undertake privatization policy, and (3) the preferred models of privatization along with the rationale for such preferences. / Five types of data were collected during three separate field work stages from July 1991 to October 1995: State policy analysis, direct observation, analysis of the statistical data, analysis of mass media and personal interviews with key individuals. This triangulation method is employed to ensure a greater presentation of the key elements that deserve to be explored. / The principal argument developed throughout this study is that despite the apparent needs for privatization due to the fiscal difficulties and inefficiencies of the SCEs operations, the Indonesian state seems to be reluctant to transfer ownership to the private sector. In the case at hand, the pursuit of privatization is largely a political decision. Transferring ownership would require an overhaul of the present development policy, a huge step that Indonesian state is not ready to take. Instead, the priority has been given to reform the state sector by improving the efficiency and productivity of SCEs operations, and by isolating SCEs from the rent seeking behaviours of government bureaucrats. This tendency, as this study demonstrates, is explained by a deepening direct state involvement in the economy. This study shows that the Indonesian state has expanded its roles in the economy to include not only regulator, facilitator and stabilizer, but also that direct participant as a competitor to the private sector. Consequently, being kept under tight state control, has caused Indonesian SCEs to operate in a highly regulated environment. This environment has resulted in SCEs tendency to become instrument of development and, therefore has prevented them from becoming efficient and productive business entities.

The Muslim community constituting 90% of Indonesla's total population, remains divided into two major factions: the Secular Nationalists, who believe in a radical separation between state and religion, and the Islamic Nationalists who, while not insisting on a fully Islamic State maintain that the Constitution should include a recognition of the special place of Islam. This thesis offers a study of the controversies surrounding the Five Basic Principles of the State, the Panca Sila, officia1ly formulated for the first time in the Jakarta Charter signed on June 22nd 1945. Special attentionis paid to the revision of the Charter on August 18, 1945, and the reopening of the debates on the Jakarta Charter following the President's Decree of July 5, 1959.

This study describes how the New Order regime created and used a particular version of the Indonesian past. This official past drew on the work of "the history industry" (archaeological and historical research) and is reflected in approved works of history writing. The New Order past can also be seen in textbooks and in what monuments the regime erected. The New Order chose to emphasize fourteenth century Majapahit empire; this hierarchical, Java-centred, Hindu empire was identified as the true ancestor of the present nation. Although Indonesia is overwhelmingly Muslim in population, subsequent Muslim advances were not stressed, except as part of the "palace culture" of Central Java, which was seen as an extension of Majapahit. Islam also provided its share of "national heroes" who fought against the Dutch colonialists. Dutch control, was looked upon with some ambiguity; the colonial regime was oppressive but it also provided stability. The Dutch were driven out during the 1945--1949 Revolution. The New Order gave credit for the Indonesian victory in this struggle to the military rather than to civilians such as Sukarno. The Revolution later took on a more radical character that culminated in an attempt on the part of the Indonesian Communist Party to seize power. The suppression of the September 30 Movement in 1965 was seen as a righting of the nation's proper path of development, a course that could in fact be traced back to Gajah Mada's Majapahit. Not all were impressed with this official history. A more Islamic "history in waiting," which differed significantly from that of the regime, was created by historians and archaeologists working within the New Order. This "ummat-oriented" past stressed long connections between Indonesia and the rest of the Muslim world. The New Order's past was used to foster national integration and the legitimacy of the regime itself. The fate of the Suharto Presidency might indicate that the past was utiliz

This thesis investigates the role played by the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Islamic organization established by K. H. Hasjim Asj'ari in 1926, in the development of Indonesian nationalism, elaborating in particular on its activities under the New Order (1980s and 1990s) after it implemented the Pancasila as the sole foundation for all political parties, social and mass organizations. As the largest Muslim traditionalist organization in Indonesia, the NU was originally founded to protect and promote the interests of Muslim traditionalists, who loyally followed the school of Ahlu al-Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah. The doctrines of the latter school are shown here to have largely influenced the organization's dealings both culturally, religiously and politically. / In order to fully understand the NUs view of Indonesian nationalism, this thesis examines the three phases of Indonesian nationalism, beginning with the rise of this organization, its involvement in the formation of the Indonesian state and its ideology, and the period after the country stipulated the sole foundation of Pancasila. It is from these three phases of Indonesian nationalism that this thesis shows the significance role played by the NU during the 1980s and 1990s. The NUs example in accepting the Pancasila as its sole basis served as an inspiration to other social and mass organizations in the country and represented one of its major contributions to the nation's welfare.

This study reviews the policy and practice of Islamic social welfare efforts in Indonesia. Findings from this study suggest that Indonesian Islamic welfare policies are ambivalent. The ambivalent character is due, in part, to the need of the government to maintain the status of Indonesia as a secular state, while at the same time, to accommodate Muslim aspirations to practice Islamic social welfare. Some Islamic welfare organizations have succeeded in combining Islamic social welfare programs with a modern social development perspective that is relevant to large national development programs. Dompet Dhuafa Republika's (DD) experience of collecting Islamic welfare funds and developing social welfare programs reveals significant potentials of Islamic welfare efforts to contribute to statutory social welfare services. These findings have shown that there is a promising prospect for Indonesia to further augment a pluralistic social welfare system.

Based on data from the 1990 Indonesian Census and the 1991 Demographic and Health Survey, analyses of fertility, fertility decline, and the use of contraceptive methods in Indonesia are presented. Two levels of analysis are carried out in this thesis: a macro-approach and a micro-approach. The analysis using the macro approach reveals that the family planning program, the status of women's jobs, and infant mortality rates are important determinants of fertility in Indonesia. In addition, the micro analysis shows that there are differences in the average number of children ever-born to couples according to the type of present and childhood residence, educational attainment, religion and occupational status. / Controlling for regional population density reversed the direction of the impact of agriculture sector employment on fertility. Overall in Indonesia, individual couples who worked in agriculture sector had higher fertility than those who worked in the non agriculture sector. However, in the densely populated areas of the country such as Java and Bali, those who worked in the agriculture sector had lower fertility than those who worked in the non agriculture sector. / The results of this dissertation support the claim that fertility and fertility decline are very complex phenomena. There is no definitive set of variables that strongly and consistently affect them. The most important finding from these analyses is that the fertility rate is influenced both by individual couple's characteristics as well as the place where they live. Further research on fertility and fertility decline should emphasize both of these characteristics.

Typescript. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1972. / Bibliography: leaves [179]-180. / Microfilm. / viii, 180 leaves illus., maps, tables