No description available.

Thesis (doctoral) - Universität, Marburg, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references and sources (p. 353-397)

Univ., Diss.--Würzburg, 2003. / Literaturverz. S. 203 - 215.

Thesis (M.E.S.)--Evergreen State College, 2007. / "June, 2007." Title from title screen (viewed 6/3/2010). Includes bibliographical references (p. 45-50).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Western Michigan University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 167-170).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--RAND Graduate School, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references.

The purpose of this dissertation was to compare and contrast the origins, formulation, course, and outcome of three major American immigration schemes to provide haven for German Jewish and non-Aryan refugees and British children: The Intergovernmental Committee for Political Refugees (better known as the Evian Conference), and particularly the German Refugee Children’s Bill (also labeled as the Wagner-Rogers Bill) and the Hennings Bill. The Evian Conference, called for by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in the aftermath of the Anschluss, the German annexation of Austria, sought to create a global solution to the problem of forced migration. The Wagner-Rogers Bill, influenced by the November 1938 nationwide pogrom of Kristallnacht and the British Kindertransport, a project to resettle Jewish and Christian children from the Reich into the United Kingdom, attempted, by legislative means, to allow the entry of ten thousand children outside of the annual German and Austrian quotas in 1939 and 1940. The Henning Bill endeavored to rescue British children from the perils of aerial warfare in 1940. This measure necessitated the amendment of the Neutrality Act of 1939, which prohibited American shipping from entering war zones. It has been argued that the Evian Conference was, at its core, a publicity ploy, designed to express sympathy for persecuted German minorities, while avoiding any political cost or acceptance of impoverished refugees. The Wagner-Rogers Bill failed as a result of the interplay of multiple factors that included: lack of presidential backing; the economic throes of the Great Depression; fear of aliens; anti-Semitism; growing isolationism and resistance to continued immigration, and a disunited and fractious Jewish community that sought to avoid stimulation of domestic prejudice and more restrictive immigration policies. A key component was a critical misreading of the bill’s sponsors of public compassion for Hitler’s victims; sentiments that did not translate into a willingness to accept Jewish refugees. The Henning Bill, which FDR endorsed with strict qualifications, demonstrated preferences for particular ethnic groups; specifically, British Christian children. In contrast with the Wagner-Rogers Bill, this legislation rapidly made its way through Congress and into law. Its failure lay in the inability to acquire guarantees of safe passage through contested waters by the warring powers. A general review followed by a more detailed examination was made of existing official and un-official sources, employing public records, private diaries, books, newspapers, journals, and other periodicals for the critical period of January 1, 1938 through December 31, 1940. Various historiographical appraisals have been made of the actions of Roosevelt, his administration, Congress, the Jewish community, and general public, and these opinions have generated markedly divergent opinions. Some have alleged that FDR and his administration, particularly the Department of State, abandoned the Jews to their fate while others assert that, in the context of the time, he did everything that was potentially achievable. Debate has also been waged over wide-ranging accusations of inaction, apathy, prejudice, and complicity involving official sources, the general public, and American Jewry. I argue that any assessment of responsibility for failure to attempt rescue can be laid at the feet of many actors in this existential drama of life and death.

abstract: This study analyzes how current U.S. immigration enforcement policy has been carried out, specifically under the implementation of the Secure Communities (S-Comm) program. Paying special attention to the enforcement-only policy hysteria and immigration patchwork trend since the 2000s, this study has the following research questions: (1) whether S-Comm has faithfully implemented enforcement actions for removing "dangerous" criminal noncitizens; (2) how counties with different immigration perspectives have responded to such an immigration enforcement program; and (3) whether the implementation of S-Comm has really made local communities safer as in the program goal. For analysis, 541 counties were selected, and their noncitizen enforcement results under S-Comm were analyzed with 5 time points, covering a 13-month period (Dec. 2011 - Jan. 2013) with longitudinal data analyses. In spite of the rosy advertisement of this program, analysis of S-Comm showed a very different picture. Unlike the federal immigration agency's promise of targeting dangerous criminal noncitizens, 1 in 4 noncitizen removals were for noncriminal violations, and more than half of noncitizen deportations were for misdemeanor charges and immigration violations in the name of "criminal aliens." Based on latent class analysis, three distinct subgroups of counties having different immigration enforcement policy perspectives were extracted, and there have been huge local variations over time on two key intergovernmental enforcement actions under the implementation of S-Comm: immigration detainer issuances and noncitizen deportations. Finally, unlike the federal immigration agency's "immigrant-crime nexus" assumption for legitimating the implementation of S-Comm, no significant and meaningful associations between these two factors were found. With serious conflicts and debates among policy actors on the implementation of S-Comm, this program was finally terminated in November 2014; although, the essence of the policy continues under a different name. A series of results from this study indicate that the current enforcement-only policy approach has been wrongfully implemented, and fundamental reconsideration of immigration policy should be made. Enforcement-focused immigration policy could not solve fundamental immigration-related problems, including why noncitizens immigrate and how they should be dealt with as humans. More rational and humane approaches to dealing with immigration should be discussed at the national and local levels. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Public Administration 2015

Thesis (MTech (Information Technology))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2013. / This study explores information sharing in government departments from a developing country's perspective. Efforts to understand the relationship between information sharing as a concept and the e-government(s) phenomenon are made and discussed. Literature reviewed in this study indicates that information sharing is a core component of the eadministration part of e-government. E-government initiatives are intended to enable information sharing between and within government departments. ICT initiatives under the egovernment umbrella facilitate information sharing within government departments. However, such initiatives fail to or do not achieve their intended objectives due to technological, organisational, environmental and people related limitations. The process to overcome such barriers can begin by analysing activities focusing on information sharing processes as a means of identifying needs for improvement. There is a need to discuss work activities, actors, aims of activities and the role of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in government departments, in order to identify information sharing needs and make possible recommendations for effective information sharing processes. A conceptual model is recommended to improve information sharing in government departments, and it has shown promise when applied to a selected work activity in this study. The results of the work activity case study show that technology, organization, environmental and people related factors indeed exist in the government's department and can have both a positive and a negative influence on information sharing between the three governing levels of the Namibian government. A pair of recommendations is given in this study. Firstly, a technology-organisationalenvironmental- people framework is recommended to government departments for effective information sharing. Secondly, recommendations are given to facilitate the information sharing needs of the Child Allowance (CA) department in the Ministry of Gender Equality and Child Welfare (MGECW). Limitations of the study and opportunities for further research that have been identified are stated at the end of this study.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / O trabalho investiga como as diversas estruturas federais resolvem os problemas de ação coletiva inerentes aos processos de negociação para a produção de políticas públicas intertemporais. Com tal propósito, tomam-se as relações intergovernamentais como objeto de análise. As hipóteses centrais da tese defendem que os níveis de conflitividade latente na Pólis estão relacionados com: 1) os graus de insulamento burocrático no processo de construção da Pólis Nacional; 2) as características de seu federalismo fiscal e; 3) a estrutura de seu sistema partidário. A racionalização do sistema federativo será maior quando o sistema partidário, horizontalmente, for capaz de solucionar os problemas de ação coletiva que surgem ao longo do tempo. As hipóteses são comprovadas através do estudo de caso do Brasil e da Argentina. Especificamente, apoia-se na narrativa histórica dos processos de formação de ambos os federalismos e na análise de dados empíricos dos processos de discussão e implementação da Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal no ano 2000, no Brasil, e dos Pactos Fiscais nos anos de 1992 e 1993, na Argentina / The work investigates how several federal structures solve collective action problems inherent in negotiation processes for the production of public policies that can deal with historically different periods. With this purpose, intergovernmental relations are taken as the object of analysis. The central hypotheses of the thesis claim that latent levels of conflict in Polis are related to: 1) degrees of bureaucratic isolation in the National Polis building process; 2) the characteristics of its fiscal federalism and; 3) the structure of its party system. The rationalization of the federative system will be higher when the party system, horizontally, is able to solve the collective action problems that have arisen over time. The hypotheses are proven through the case study of Brazil and Argentina. Specifically, it relies on the historical narrative of the processes of formation of both federalisms and on the analysis of empirical data from the processes of discussion and enforcement of the Law of Fiscal Responsibility in 2000, in Brazil, and Fiscal Pacts in 1992 and 1993, in Argentina