Since the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) establishment in 2002, its interventions in African situations have produced a mix of results. Whereas many observers have hailed the ICC’s forays onto the continent for expanding the avenues of justice for mass atrocities, there are also political connotations to some of its interventions, as evidenced in narratives of selectivity and neo-colonialism. Building on the latter impacts of the Court’s interventions in Africa, this thesis seeks to discern the shape of local/regional uptake of international criminal justice (ICJ). This follows from contrasting the ICC’s qualification as a moral agent in the global war on impunity for international crimes, with domestic political translations of the Court’s interventions and subsequent collective action at local and regional levels. Thus, the principal argument from this thesis is that contextual normative adaptions produce global-local exchanges that result in viable conditions under which the ICC’s interventions are politicized, to the detriment of its investigative activities and legacy in situation countries. More specifically, elite level exchanges in sub-national, national, regional and international realms produce blends of local and global realities, resulting into the ICC’s exposure to politicization. These findings are instructive for wider debates on the subtle ways in which the ICC is undermined (rather than outright defiance), with spiralling effects on long term peace-building and other regional contexts. In discerning the aforementioned conclusions, I asked the simple research questions: (1) why and how is an ostensibly international legal response to heinous crimes susceptible to (mis)appropriation and subversion by domestic political elites? (2) what are the far-reaching consequences of politicizing the ICC’s interventions on creating conditions for lasting peace in fragile societies? Given the duality of the ICC’s politicization – through (mis)appropriation and subversion, the thesis adopted a comparative study of Uganda and Kenya, which exemplify the two forms of domestic translations of ICJ. The thesis employed a qualitative methodological approach that drew upon secondary data sources, as well as primary data collected through personal key informant interviews in the Netherlands, Uganda and Kenya, with ICC officials, politicians, government officials, representatives of local and international organizations and affected communities. Some of the secondary data sources include: journal articles, media reports, government documents, books, online sources, legal instruments, the ICC’s documents and official speeches. The data collected was analyzed through grounded theory, in which evidence collected raised new sub-questions for further interrogation. All available evidence was then triangulated to develop a critical analysis of the research questions posed. Conceptually, I built on three interrelated concepts (the ICC’s projection of a moral universe, the narrative lens and spatial hierarchies) to discern the ICJ norm diffusion in local/regional contexts. The thesis concludes that the various forms of political resistance to the ICC have pernicious effects on peace-building beyond national boundaries. Perhaps, a greater degree of the Court’s acceptance will be driven by its proactive steps towards the universality of justice, whose absence partly informed the construction of narratives on some of its foremost interventions in Africa.

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International law regulating the protection of the environment has grown exponentially over the years, with the adoption of many conventions covering the protection of specific environmental issues at the global, regional and bilateral levels. The variety of rules and types of protection is vast, and the question then is how to resolve potential conflicts. Within the field of interstate dispute settlement, the mechanisms that exist to solve international environment conflicts present a critical pressure point. Instead of a smooth process of adjudication, conducive to timely judgments that benefit all parties, a disjointed system offering more stumbling blocks than solutions seems to exist. There is this idea that the interstate judicial settlement is old-fashioned, and therefore inadequate to respond to the new legal developments in international environmental law. This pessimistic view on the existing mechanisms and the development of parallel theories on how to achieve greater compliance with environmental rules have consequently led to the creation of alternative types of conflict resolution mechanisms, labelled as non-compliance procedures. Indeed, it is true to say that the roles of international courts and tribunals in environmental disputes have been challenged by certain specific features of environmental disputes, bringing into question their usefulness and effectiveness. However, we should not be too hasty in dismissing the role of courts and tribunals in this context. This thesis seeks to investigate whether there is a place on the international stage for international courts and tribunals when it comes to solving environmental disputes. In doing so, the analysis focuses on the design of interstate adjudication and arbitration. Some judicial mechanisms which are often not considered could be adequately used in the context of international environmental law. By concentrating on the various relevant legal tools available to international judicial bodies, this thesis argues that international courts and tribunals can be used favourably in an environmental context. This thesis adopts three main perspectives from which the role of international courts and tribunals is assessed. First, the analysis concentrates on how the judicial procedures can be triggered (or the question “how to get in”). Then it looks at the mechanisms and procedural problems attached to the judicial bodies (or “once you are in”). Finally, the research focuses on the location of judicial bodies within the broader dispute settlement regime relevant for the application of international environmental law (or “in/out relationships”). With these three elements, it is then possible to evaluate the role international courts and tribunals play, their limitations and their advantages.

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Note: Volume one of two

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In 2010, with globalization, and economic integration, the world is brought even closer together by satellite technology. Satellites have revolutionized modern military operations and have become essential to ensuring national security regimes. The number of space faring nations has increased, and the US no longer holds a monopoly in space. With China’s successful ASAT test in 2007 and increasing military buildup and cooperation between China and Russia, the US must carefully develop space policies that do not appear antagonistic and unilateral in an attempt to dominate, otherwise a new cold war in space will ensue. Already at the precipice of an all out arms race, the militarization of space has set the stage for the next phase: the weaponization of outer space. In order to prevent this, the laws of outer space should be clear and specifically dictate the rules. Unfortunately, the laws of space are outdated, vague, with marginal controls written before the technology of modern times. The hypothesis for this thesis is based on the belief that the current treaties governing space are insufficient, and in order to preserve peace, they must evolve, along with increased international cooperation, communication, and transparency measures to prevent an all out conflict. This thesis is divided into five sections, the first of which provides an introduction and review of the existing legal system in space. This is followed by current issues and growing concerns, a summary of China, Russia and the US’s strategic capabilities, and finally the assessment of international legal regime in place to help mitigate the use of space. In order to ensure space security for all, transparent, multilateral policies should be pursued. The militarization of space will continue until it reaches a point of confrontation. In order to preserve the peaceful use of space, arms control agreements and the existing space legislation needs to be clarified and updated. International dialogue must promote progress and advancement in shared technology, not an arms race. Through cooperation and collaborative efforts, the continued development of space can be achieved for the benefit of all.

<p>Flertalet händelser under 2000-talet, som Göteborgskravallerna, massgripanden av fotbollssupportrar för våldsamt upplopp och flera våldsamma upplopp i samband med Reclaim the city manifestationer, är oroande. Till exempel uppgav de gripna och omhändertagna Djurgårdssupportrarna att polisens handlande skall ha skett godtyckligt. Kan detta tyda på att det i samhället finns en tendens, att vi är på väg mot ett åsidosättande av individens skydd i form av fri- och rättigheter, till förmån för bekämpandet av brott.</p><p>Denna studie har till syfte att undersöka konflikten mellan individens fri- och rättigheter och myndigheternas befogenheter vid gripanden och omhändertaganden. Detta innebär att med Europakonventionens artikel 5 som utgångspunkt, undersöka överensstämmelsen med svensk rätt och eventuella konflikter mellan individens fri- och säkerhet och samhällets regler för bekämpning av brott.</p><p>Studien anger kriterier för hur en prövning kommer till och i viss mån även Europadomstolens funktion. Den presenterade lagtexten ur konventionen samt att konventionen och nationell rätt tolkas utifrån domstolens utlåtanden i ett antal relevanta mål.</p><p>Främst kan det sägas vara målen Kurt v. Turkey och Lawless v. Ireland, som kommit att bli vägledande för hur Europakonventionens artikel 5 skall tolkas. Skyddet mot frihetsberövande baseras på att det i den nämnda artikeln anges under vilka omständigheter frihetsberövanden får genomföras, dessa tillfällen är sex stycken och återfinns under första paragrafen i artikeln. Genom den rättspraxis domstolens utlåtanden ger, framgår det att skyddet har få kryphål, dock kan artikel 5 frångås i exceptionella fall. Exempel på detta kan vara i tillstånd av krig eller annan fara för nationens säkerhet, men även i fall av terrorism erhåller myndigheterna större spelrum.</p><p>Av fallen Fox, Campbell and Hartley v. UK och O’Hara v. The United Kingdom får man fram en tydligare definition av vad gränsen för godtycklighet vilar på. Att detta skydd, grovt betraktat, kan sägas utgöras av beviskravet och en för målet objektiva iakttagare.</p><p>Beträffande Sverige dröjde det innan Europakonventionen blev en del av svensk rätt, inkorporeringen skedde efter att 1993 års fri- och rättighetskommitté ansett att inga förändringar i svensk straffrätt var nödvändiga. Sedan den första januari 1995 (SFS 1994:1219), utgör därför Europakonventionen en del av den nationella rätten.</p><p>Som helhet kan den svenska lagstiftningen anses vara så välformulerad att det överensstämmer väl med artikel 5, detta mycket tack vare utformningen av skyddet för individen i regeringsformens kapitel 1, 2 och 8. Emellertid lämnar regleringen kring omhändertaganden en glipa som kan bli intressant att följa i eventuella framtida prövningar, även om svensk ståndpunkt är att reglerna i dessa fall inte är i strid med angivelserna i Europakonventionens artikel 5.</p><p>Slutsatsen för detta arbete är att det finns en skillnad mellan hur väl gripanden och omhändertaganden överensstämmer med Europakonventionen, och att det råder tveksamheter angående delar av regleringen kring omhändertaganden. Dessutom anses det i denna undersökning att det finns en tydlig konflikt mellan Europakonventionens artikel 5 och just polislagens paragraf 13, då tjänstemannabedömningen inte överensstämmer med domstolens tolkning i målet Assenov v. Bulgaria.</p><p>Att tendensen skulle gå mot att individens fri- och säkerhet får stå tillbaka till förmån för bekämpandet av brott är svårt att utläsa ur lagar och praxis då det gäller gripanden, men även omhändertagande. Däremot, beträffande omhändertaganden, kvarstår kritiken oavsett om dessa berör enskilda eller massomhändertaganden.</p>

<p>This dissertation examines the child’s right to participation in theory and practice within the context of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and other international human rights instruments. </p><p>Article 12 of the Convention establishes the right of the child to express views and to have those views respected and properly taken into consideration. The emphasis of the study is on the <i>democracy aspects</i> of child participation and on how the implementation of the right to participation could become more effective. For these purposes, the<i> theoretical underpinnings</i> of the child’s right to participation are examined with a particular focus on the impact of power structures. In order to clarify how state parties to the Convention have implemented article 12 and the way they argue regarding possible obstacles for implementation, jurisprudence and case law (practice) of the Committee on the Rights of the Child, as well as supervisory bodies of other international human rights instruments, are studied. In particular, the importance of <i>traditional attitudes</i> towards children on the realisation of participation rights for children is analysed. The case of India is presented as an example of how a state party to the Convention can argue on this matter. </p><p>The conclusion drawn from the analysis is that the problem lies not in certain societies/cultures (often labelled traditional) being less inclined to allow and facilitate matters for children to participate in decision-making than in other more “modern” societies. Instead, the same view of the child prevails, regardless of the society in question. The challenge thus lies in changing adult attitudes towards children and child participation. In the final chapter, suggestions are presented in relation to how state parties can be encouraged to find the political will essential for effective treaty implementation and for bridging the gap between theory and practice. </p>