An empirical study of the generational impact of the Vietnam War on the foreign policy attitudes of the American mass and attentive publics was undertaken in order to determine if and how Vietnam served as a critical socializing experience for the generation which came of age during the period of American involvement in Southeast Asia. Specifically, this study tests the proposition that the breakdown of consensus on foreign policy beliefs which followed the Vietnam War is a consequence of the emergence of a Vietnam generation with a distinctive foreign policy outlook. / Among the most significant findings of this study was that generational differences among both the mass and attentive publics are modest in nature. Thus generational cleavage is only a weak and partial explanation to the post-Vietnam breakdown of foreign policy consensus. A second conclusion of this study is that, even though the presence of generational differences is weak, the differences do not conform to most theories about the foreign policy views of the Vietnam generation. Particularly, the mass public of the Vietnam generation is more conservative on foreign policy issues than other generational groups. / This study also offers evidence to support the thesis that the Vietnam generation is more polarized than other age cohorts. Based on a comparison of the attitudes of the general and attentive publics, the Vietnam generation exhibited greater intragenerational conflict compared to other generations. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 53-07, Section: A, page: 2533. / Major Professor: James R. Ray. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1992.

This dissertation applies modern public choice theories to the United Nations system. Public choice is the study of public sector decision making using basic economic postulates. It attempts to gain insights into the formation and operation of collective organizations by studying the personal incentives faced by the relevant decision-makers. For many years, people have pointed to the apparent failure of international organizations to achieve their goals. The public choice approach offers new insights into the reasons for this failure, and it can also be used to suggest improvements which might enable these organizations to be more successful. / There are several separate, but related, chapters in this dissertation. Chapter 2 analyzes the U.N. Charter and the League of Nations Covenant using the principles of constitutional economics. Chapter 3 analyzes the size and growth of the budgets of the U.N. system. Chapter 4 considers whether the de facto members of GATT, who do not contribute to the budget, are free riders. Chapter 5 looks at the stability of voting coalitions in the U.N. General Assembly from 1946 to 1973. Finally, Chapter 6 looks at the effectiveness of U.N. interventions, such as peacekeeping forces in Lebanon and sanctions against South Africa. This chapter uses exchange rate data to estimate the appreciations (or depreciations) caused by these interventions, and considers those movements a measure of the effectiveness of the policy. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 55-03, Section: A, page: 0661. / Major Professor: Randall G. Holcombe. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1994.

The San Francisco Conference on International Organization lasted sixty-two days, April-June 1945, and wrote the Charter for the United Nations. Major issues for conference consideration included: Security Council voting and veto powers; the substantive and nonsubstantive authority to be granted the General Assembly; Trusteeships; American retention of the former Japanese naval bases in the Pacific; Regionalism; and invitations to Argentina, Poland and the two Soviet Republics--White Russia and the Ukraine--to join the world organization. Led by the working group of the five permanent members, although the United Kingdom, United States and the Soviet Union did wield the most power, the decisions reached on these issues were written into the Charter and molded the shape of the United Nations. / The interrelated forces at work during the conference were analyzed to facilitate tracing the decision-making process in writing the United Nations Charter. Difficulties did exist. Differences in perspectives among the Allies, set aside in the interest of wartime coalition unity, needed resolution at San Francisco. Within these parameters, emphasis was placed on United States' participation at the San Francisco Conference. The United States delegation was closely examined to provide insight into the development of American positions on key conference issues. / Ultimately, the dissertation concludes that the internationalist expectations for the United Nations were suppressed from the beginning by the nationalistic self-interest of all the attendent nations, large and small, at the conference. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 50-10, Section: A, page: 3331. / Major Professor: Thomas M. Campbell. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1989.

During the late 1970s and mid 1980s the subject of terrorism received much attention by the Western scientific community. Many complain that the field of terrorism is full of inconsistencies, contradictions, sterile or/and closed ended debates, and the like. This work reviews and critically discusses the overall literature on terrorism through a conscious departure from current assumptions, methods and approaches, and an uncompromising exposure of these practices. The author believes that the study of terrorism in the West is largely a reflection of the civicist character of Western mainstream scholarship. This work shows that the mainstream Western study of terrorism is best described by a civicist paradigm. It is argued that the character of the Western study of terrorism tends to be selective, ahistorical, unscientific and apologetic in character. Under these circumstances, the effort of Western mainstream political scientists who study terrorism resembles neither politics nor science. Rather, it reflects a litany of apologies for ruling class interests. The Western study of terrorism by being civicist, is therefore inappropriate. The main implication of this argument is that we shall not understand terrorism as a practice or as an ideology, if we continue to treat it as a question of civics and not as a question of politics. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 51-12, Section: A, page: 4267. / Major Professor: Frederick Gareau. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1990.

This dissertation seeks to demonstrate the process of foreign policy-making during the early years of the Cold War. It concentrates on the development of United States interest in the concept of a European Army as a means of establishing a stronger defense posture against world communism. This concept is shown to have been a response to the outbreak of the Korean War and the loss of the American monopoly on atomic weapons. The Truman administration's policy toward German rearmament is traced through the attempt to persuade Western Europe to form its own defense system with American support, both militarily and monetarily. To a great degree, this policy is viewed as shared by the Eisenhower administration. Both administrations are seen seeking to strengthen Western Europe through cooperative efforts beginning with the Marshall Plan and ending with West Germany's admission into NATO. For the United States, the policy most conducive to achieving its goals of a united and armed Western Europe is shown to be the development of the European Defense Community. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 51-09, Section: A, page: 3199. / Major Professor: Thomas M. Campbell. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1990.

Thesis advisor: Kenji Hayao / Thesis advisor: Hiroshi Nakazato / The most stunning example of two historical figures working both together and against one another to fashion a shared goal is the demonstration of power and compromise displayed by Count Camillo Benso di Cavour and Giuseppe Garibaldi during the Sicilian Revolution of 1860 and additional events during the greater Italian Risorgimento. This thesis is an attempt to uncover the bargaining strategies utilized by Cavour and Garibaldi throughout their political interactions as well as reach important conclusions concerning the use of interpersonal relationships to aid, not hinder, the outcome of a common political aim. This case study focuses on the years from 1852 to 1870, but specifically looks at 1859 to 1861, largely considering the theoretical framework of political game theory as outlined by Thomas Schelling. After forming two distinct hypotheses regarding both the competitive and cooperative nature of the two men's relationship, this thesis finds a greater cooperative characteristic to their historic interactions, although both hypotheses contribute to a relationship that formed the state of Italy. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: International Studies. / Discipline: International Studies Honors Program.

Canada, the United States and Mexico offer a very interesting microcosm. On one side these three countries have strong economic, commercial and cultural ties with each other, but on the other hand there are significant and contrasting differences among each one of them. Differences in paradigms, approach, concepts, structures, procedures, et cetera While Canada is a Constitutional Monarchy with a Parliamentarian form of government, the U.S. and Mexico are Republics with a Presidential system. These three countries are known to be federal States, but their actual practice of federalism is very different in each one of them Furthermore, while Mexico's legal system belongs to the Romano-Germanic Tradition; most of the U.S. and Canada belong to the tradition of the Common Law. And yet there is even more, at different levels Puerto Rico and Louisiana in the United States, as well as Quebec in Canada are rooted in the Romano-Germanic Tradition. Accordingly, the Common Law and the Romano-Germanic traditions have to coexist harmoniously in the interaction that the domestic systems of Puerto Rico, Lousiana and Quebec have with the federal sphere of their respective counties This is the legal context in which our three countries have to coexist, interact and work together, and I think that these goals may only be achieved successfully if we understand and respect our respective legal identities in terms of that which is unique to each other, in terms of that which is different in each other, in terms of the goals that we do not have in common, in terms of the common goals that we have in common, in terms of that which we may want to achieve together, and also in terms of that what we can and should learn from each other Still, I truly believe that there are many important lessons that Mexico and world have to learn from these functional coexistences. At least in Canada this situation has driven to produce important developments in that what today is known as the Canadian Bijuralism. And even more, in my opinion---without having conscience of it---Canadians are developing the model that will frame supra-national law and global legal interaction in the twenty-first century In this sense, it would be ideal---and even desirable---to count with a broader and comprehensive view of the interaction between globalization the Law, as well as its actual effects and implications, but my goal is rather monographic This work aims to discuss one specific issue, the correlation between the assumption of personal jurisdiction by the issuing court over non-resident defendants (when the defendant has not appeared before the court, has challenged its jurisdiction or has not expressly submitted to such jurisdiction) and the enforcement of foreign judgments in the three countries of the North American subcontinent, namely Canada, the United States and Mexico / acase@tulane.edu

acase@tulane.edu

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the Mexican experience with respect to the application of one of the most controversial standards in international investment law: the obligation to provide a fair and equitable treatment (FET) to foreign investors. A hypothesis of this paper is that it is not appropriate to define a normative content of the FET standard by only discussing the host country measures taken, allegedly, against a foreign investor. Rather, in the analysis of different cases involving Mexico, the perceived conduct of the foreign investor could be used by the host country as a defense in allegations of FET violations. According with this thesis, this is the only approach that seeks to find a balance between the investors' rights and the legitimate domestic public policies of the host country This thesis - after discussing the historical, institutional, and doctrinal framework of the FET standard - analyzes the factual circumstances and legal allegations marshaled by the parties in those cases involving Mexico. In the NAFTA context, this paper highlights the differences in the construction of the FET standard made by the tribunals in the cases resolved before the Free Trade Commission issued the 2001 Notes of Interpretation, and the interpretation in those cases settled after these Notes were issued. Also, there is a remarkable difference in some aspects of the normative content of the standard in the cases settled in the framework of the Bilateral Investment Treaties In addition, this thesis concludes that the concept of FET as part of a minimum standard of treatment of customary international law is continuously evolving; that exhaustive jurisprudential analyses demonstrate that is possible to define a normative content of the FET standard. In any event, the threshold for finding a violation of any of the elements of this normative content remains high; and that the lack of an appellate review in investor---State disputes largely contributes to the lack of a clear understanding of the meaning of the FET standard / acase@tulane.edu

This Dissertation analyses the viability of Chapter 11, of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), in the context of expanding trade and investment agreements. This mechanism, which was created to safeguard NAFTA foreign direct investment (FDI), is at a cross-roads where it will either continue its evolution as a cutting edge investment protection protocol, or fade into obscurity as a tried, but failed relic of the Twentieth Century. This Dissertation makes the case that while it has served the interests of stakeholders, it is timely to rethink some its controversial aspects The notion that Chapter 11 is misplaced, in the modern regulatory era, is refuted. As the NAFTA does not define expropriation, police powers or property concepts, Chapter 11 tribunals, guided by amorphous international standards, have been tasked with defining the delicate societal burden sharing, which is implicit in the expropriation analysis. Chapter 11 litigation has highlighted troubling questions, in the context of indirect expropriation, relating to the intersection of international law and tribunals with the competing values placed on domestic regulation and court decisions. Notwithstanding these troubling concerns, this Dissertation argues that, with few exceptions, Chapter 11 has usefully advanced FDI protocols This Dissertation rejects the often-heard arguments that Chapter 11 should be replaced by another existing framework. It argues that a quick fix to the problem does not exist and urges patience with the development of a mature jurisprudence. In exploring the potential solutions, it calls for the Parties to approach Chapter 11's perceived shortcomings on a holistic basis, commensurate with the existing political will, through thoughtful recalibration of its substantive provisions and enhancement of its procedural provisions. Specifically, a three-part test is proffered, which is aimed at drawing the appropriate linkages between expropriation, the State's police powers and evolving property principles. As well, the enhancement of public scrutiny, through improved transparency and increased public participation, is sure to facilitate efficiency and legitimacy in the process, while removing the impetus to usurp Chapter 11. Such an approach would also be more effective in striking a balance between the FDI concerns of investors abroad with the domestic needs of regulators / acase@tulane.edu