« [L]e Brésil sera dans vingt ou trente ans la plus grande puissance énergétique de la planète Terre ». Cette phrase du président Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva en 2006 démontre l’ambition du gouvernement en transformer l’énergie en atout pour une meilleure place du Brésil dans le Système International. Ainsi, à la lumière du concept d’État Logistique du professeur Amado Cervo, l’objectif principal de la recherche est l’analyse de l’insertion de l’énergie, et plus spécifiquement celle du pétrole, du nucléaire et de l’éthanol dans la politique étrangère brésilienne pendant les deux mandats du gouvernement Lula (2003-2010), ainsi que leur impact sur les stratégies de projection internationale du Brésil. L’énergie apparaît ici, par conséquent, comme un instrument de politique étrangère, mais sans perdre de vue que la « fabrication » de cet objet se fait à l’intérieur du territoire brésilien, avec les interactions entre les acteurs publics et privés. L’originalité de cette étude est donc la mise en avant des interactions des acteurs sectoriels nationaux avec le Ministère des Affaires Étrangères et avec le président. Par le biais d’une recherche bibliographique, de l’analyse de documents officiels mais aussi d’entretiens avec les acteurs énergétiques, nous démontrons que le déploiement de la politique étrangère liée à l’énergie est le fruit d’interactions et d’influences internes, mais aussi de contraintes internationales. / ‘Brazil will be the biggest energy power in the planet in twenty or thirty years’. President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva gave this statement in 2006. It demonstrates the ambition of his government to transform the energy in an asset to a better positioning of Brazil in the International System. Using the concept of Logistic State from Amado Cervo, this research aims to analyse the projection of energy (specifically petroleum, nuclear and ethanol) within the Brazilian foreign policy during Lula’s two mandates (2003-2010), as well as its impacts on the strategy of projecting Brazil internationally. Energy appears in this study as an instrument of foreign policy, noticing that the ‘fabrication’ of this object happens within the Brazilian territory, through the interaction of public and private actors. The originality of this study is the emphasis on interactions of national sectional actors with the Foreign Policy Ministry and with the president. Through a literature research, the analysis of official documents as well as interviews with energy players, we demonstrate that the deployment of the foreign policy on energy issues is the result of internal interactions and influences, but also of international constraints. / "O Brasil será em vinte ou trinta anos, a maior potência do planeta Terra." Esta frase do presidente Lula em 2006 demonstra a ambição do governo em transformar a energia em uma ferramenta para uma melhor posição do Brasil no Sistema Internacional. Assim, à luz do conceito de Estado Logístico do professor Amado Cervo, o principal objetivo da pesquisa é a análise da inserção da energia, e mais especificamente do petróleo, do nuclear e do etanol na política externa brasileira durante os dois mandatos do governo Lula, e seu impacto sobre as estratégias de projeção internacional no Brasil. A energia aqui aparece, portanto, como um instrumento de política externa, mas sem perder de vista de que a "fabricação" desse objeto se dá dentro do território brasileiro, com a interação entre atores públicos e privados. A originalidade deste estudo é destacar as interações dos atores nacionais do setor com o Ministério das Relações Exteriores e com o presidente, demonstrando assim que a implementação da política externa relacionada com a energia é o resultado de interações e influências internas, mas também de limitações internacionais.

Ao assumirem o Estado, os militares tomaram para si a responsabilidade de conduzir o Brasil ao seu inevitável destino de grande potência, tendo como princípio que sua extensa base física e sua posição privilegiada na América do Sul, ofereciam totais condições e legitimavam o projeto. Partindo dos pressupostos acima, esta pesquisa se propõe a investigar como foi construída a política de potência no governo Geisel, tendo em vista que foi em sua gestão que se implantou efetivamente as estratégias de projeção da influência política brasileira em relação ao sistema internacional _ sob o auspício do Pragmatismo Responsável_ buscando a independência nas decisões políticas, esperando convertê-las em progressos econômicos, mas sobretudo, em avanços no cenário mundial. Nesse contexto, o acordo nuclear assinado com a Alemanha Federal representava a culminância de seu projeto de potência, posto que embalava amplas expectativas da parte do governo: resposta eficiente à crise nacional de energia provocada pelo choque do petróleo, acesso à tecnologia de ponta, domínio completo do ciclo do átomo, modernização e dinamização da indústria nacional e, acima de tudo, a posse de um instrumento legítimo de poder que lhe autorizava exigir maior parcela de decisão frente aos grandes temas de interesse mundial. / When militaries took the power of the state they also assumed for themselves the responsibility of leading Brazil to its unavoidable fate of large potency, haring as a beginning that its extensive physical bases and its privileged position in South America offered total conditions and legitimated the project. Based on the presupposition above, this research proposes to investigate how the political of potency was constituted in Geisel government, swing that was in his management which was definitely introduced the projection strategies of the political influence of Brazil in relation to the international system _ under the promise of the Responsible Pragmatism searching for the independence in political decisions, expecting converting them in economical progress but, above all, in advances in the world-wide scenery. In this context, the nuclear agreement which was signed with Federal Germany represented the culmination of its own project of potency, swing that it brought vast expectations from the government: efficient response about the national crises of energy caused by oil shock, access to the modern technology, total control of the period of the atom, modernization and giving dynamism to the national industry and, above all, the possessions of a rightful instrument of power, which allowed to demand more decisions in big themes of world-wide interests.

Ao assumirem o Estado, os militares tomaram para si a responsabilidade de conduzir o Brasil ao seu inevitável destino de grande potência, tendo como princípio que sua extensa base física e sua posição privilegiada na América do Sul, ofereciam totais condições e legitimavam o projeto. Partindo dos pressupostos acima, esta pesquisa se propõe a investigar como foi construída a política de potência no governo Geisel, tendo em vista que foi em sua gestão que se implantou efetivamente as estratégias de projeção da influência política brasileira em relação ao sistema internacional _ sob o auspício do Pragmatismo Responsável_ buscando a independência nas decisões políticas, esperando convertê-las em progressos econômicos, mas sobretudo, em avanços no cenário mundial. Nesse contexto, o acordo nuclear assinado com a Alemanha Federal representava a culminância de seu projeto de potência, posto que embalava amplas expectativas da parte do governo: resposta eficiente à crise nacional de energia provocada pelo choque do petróleo, acesso à tecnologia de ponta, domínio completo do ciclo do átomo, modernização e dinamização da indústria nacional e, acima de tudo, a posse de um instrumento legítimo de poder que lhe autorizava exigir maior parcela de decisão frente aos grandes temas de interesse mundial. / When militaries took the power of the state they also assumed for themselves the responsibility of leading Brazil to its unavoidable fate of large potency, haring as a beginning that its extensive physical bases and its privileged position in South America offered total conditions and legitimated the project. Based on the presupposition above, this research proposes to investigate how the political of potency was constituted in Geisel government, swing that was in his management which was definitely introduced the projection strategies of the political influence of Brazil in relation to the international system _ under the promise of the Responsible Pragmatism searching for the independence in political decisions, expecting converting them in economical progress but, above all, in advances in the world-wide scenery. In this context, the nuclear agreement which was signed with Federal Germany represented the culmination of its own project of potency, swing that it brought vast expectations from the government: efficient response about the national crises of energy caused by oil shock, access to the modern technology, total control of the period of the atom, modernization and giving dynamism to the national industry and, above all, the possessions of a rightful instrument of power, which allowed to demand more decisions in big themes of world-wide interests.

Les conventions internationales de droit uniforme du commerce international ont pour but d'adopter un ensemble de règles qui soient communes et directement applicables aux rapports juridiques existant entre les différentes parties à un contrat commercial international. L'uniformité de ces conventions peut cependant être rompue en raison d'interprétations divergentes dont certaines de leurs dispositions font l'objet de la part des différents juges nationaux. C'est en particulier le cas des dispositions relatives à la faute qualifiée dans les conventions internationales de droit uniforme relatives au contrat de transport. Pour réduire les divergences d'interprétation en ce domaine, il a été proposé de changer la formulation de cette faute qualifiée qui après avoir été formulée au moyen d'un standard, l'a donc été au moyen d'une définition. Cette thèse s'est dans un premier temps intéressée à l'étude des résultats obtenus en matière d'uniformité d'interprétation de cette faute qualifiée sous l'empire du standard, puis sous celui de la définition. Cela a permis de mettre en évidence le fait qu'au-delà de la rédaction de la faute qualifiée au moyen d'un standard ou d'une définition, les divergences d'interprétation apparaissaient ou pouvaient apparaître à cause notamment de divers éléments perturbateurs qui ont été identifiés et au sujet desquels un premier niveau de propositions de solutions a été fait. Cependant, ces propositions de solutions, qui consistent globalement à adopter une interprétation en tenant compte des divers éléments perturbateurs de l'uniformité de l'interprétation qui ont été identifiés, doivent être mise en œuvre au moyen de mécanismes dont la création est nécessaire. C'est ce que cette thèse a proposé dans un deuxième temps.En effet, ces mécanismes ont pour objet la délivrance de recommandations interprétatives aux sujet des dispositions conventionnelles faisant l'objet, au moins potentiellement, de divergences d'interprétation. Ces recommandations sont à destination des juridictions des Etats parties aux conventions concernées et bénéficient d'un statut sui generis qui justifie qu'elles soient prises en compte par le juge. Si c'est la faute qualifiée dans les conventions internationales de droit uniforme relatives au contrat de transport qui a servi de support et de fil conducteur pour cette étude, les éléments de solution proposés ont toutefois vocation à s'appliquer, selon le même schéma, dans d'autres domaines que celui du droit des transports, régis par des conventions internationales de droit uniforme du commerce international. / The purpose of international conventions of uniform international trade law is to adopt a set of rules that are common and directly applicable to the legal relationship between the parties to an international commercial contract. The uniformity of these conventions can, however, be broken by divergent interpretations of which some of their provisions are the subject of the various national judges. This is particularly the case of the provisions relating to misconduct described in the international conventions of uniform law relating to the contract of carriage. In order to reduce differences of interpretation in this area, it has been proposed to change the wording of this qualified fault which, after having been formulated by means of a standard, has thus been made by means of a definition. This thesis was at first interested in the study of the results obtained in terms of uniformity of interpretation of this qualified fault under the influence of the standard, then under that of the definition. This made it possible to highlight the fact that beyond the drafting of the qualified fault by means of a standard or a definition, the divergences of interpretation appeared or could appear because of various disruptive elements which have been identified and for which a first level of proposals for solutions has been made. However, these proposals for solutions, which generally consist in adopting an interpretation taking into account the various disruptive elements of uniformity of interpretation that have been identified, must be implemented through mechanisms that are necessary to create. This is what this thesis proposed in a second step. The purpose of these mechanisms is to issue interpretative recommendations on conventional provisions that are the subject of at least potentially divergent interpretations. These recommendations are addressed to the courts of the States Parties to the conventions concerned and enjoy a sui generis status which justifies them being taken into account by the judge.If it is the misconduct described in the international agreements of uniform law relating to the contract of carriage which served as support and guideline for this study, the proposed elements of solution are however intended to apply, according to the same scheme, in other fields than transport law, governed by international conventions of uniform international trade law.