No description available.

st of its NATO allies, as well as the need to become a valued and effective member of the European Union, despite the latterâ s setback in the course of 2004 and 2005.

Cooperation Command (JSACC). JSACCs will allow the United States to succeed in supporting a partner nation in an environment that is neither war nor peace.

On December 1, 2000 a new administration took over the presidency of MeÌ xico. This event was especially anticipated because the new president, Vicente Fox, was coming from a different party than the PRI, the old official party. The arrival of President Fox brought important changes in the way of governing; with the moral obligation to be different, since the beginning of his administration one of the main goals was incline to pursue a more dynamic participation by Mexico in the political issues of the world. This was to be accomplished by taking up several measures that included enhancing economic trade with the United States and other nations, world summits in Mexico, improvement of human rights and others. Among those plans one attracted special attention when Mexico asked for a seat as a non-permanent member in the UN Security Council for the period 2002-2003 the third time in Mexican history. There were divided opinions on the subject because Mexico would be directly involved in UN decisions concerning internal situations of other countries, something that goes against the foreign policy principles of MeÌ xico. Eventually this discussion opened doors for other topics; one of them was the possibility of Mexico participating actively in peacekeeping operations by sending troops overseas; this initiated a biter debate in the political sphere. This study analyzes Mexican Foreign Policy and the historical perspective of the foreign principles stated in the Mexican Constitution[alpha]s article 89, followed by a discussion of their influence and interpretation in the politicalmilitary environment before and during the administration of President Fox. The study includes the analysis includes the new social and political scenario that MeÌ xico is facing in order to determine the odds and obstacles when dealing with military participation overseas. As MeÌ xico takes its place in the community of nations, the country[alpha]s leadership needs to search for possible options and test whether the new Mexican political apparatus has the flexibility to address current threats and requirements for international security. An analysis on the capabilities of the Mexican Armed Forces is also necessary in order to determine their capacity to execute multinational operations. Finally bring out the real benefits and/or risks from getting Mexico involved in these kinds of operations are identified.

In the face of Tehran's vitriolic rhetoric and outright refusal to cooperate with the International Atomic Energy Agency, why do Russia, China and India refuse to support the United States and the EU-3 in their efforts to curtail Iran's pursuit of a complete and indigenous nuclear fuel cycle? Russia's motivations stem from its desire to establish itself as a counter to American hegemony and also to maximize its significant financial relationship with Iran. China's booming economy is dependant on its vast manufacturing infrastructure, which is increasingly dependant on Middle Eastern oil for its energy needs. Thus, China is unlikely to take a hard stand on Iran. India's energy demands are growing almost as quickly as those of China and Iran is a vital source of natural gas and oil for India. Also, Iran can be seen as a test case in India's desire to maintain an independent foreign policy. Containing Iran to the detriment of relations with these countries is not a path the United States should follow. U. S. foreign policy should support a verifiably peaceful nuclear program in Iran, with defined and unambiguous penalties should it come to light that the technology is diverted towards a military application. / US Navy (USN) author.

More than four years after the September 11 attacks, it is time to reexamine the state of American grand strategy to identify possible refinements to improve synchronization, resource allocation and policy execution at all levels. This research examines U.S. grand strategy to determine the nation's plan for employing five instruments of national power: diplomatic, informational, military, economic, and law enforcement. It develops seven fundamental features of a grand strategy, and compares thirteen national strategy documents to these fundamentals to determine areas for future refinement. The study uses a brief analysis of national responses to the IRA, Sikh militants, and Hezbollah in Lebanon to illustrate these features in action. The study concludes by proposing a series of steps to refine America's grand strategy as well as a framework to integrate instruments of national power in the struggle against transnational terrorism.

Recent case studies suggest that states highly motivated to obtain nuclear weapons will eventually succeed. If Iran manages to go nuclear, as Israel, India, Pakistan, and North Korea have done, what will the Arabian Gulf region look like after Tehran acquires these weapons? This thesis investigates the likely responses of Israel, the Arab Gulf States, and Pakistan to an Iran armed with nuclear weapons. A detailed examination of regional statements and media analysis shows that the region will likely not be further unbalanced. Instead, these states will pursue rational responses to diminish any Iranian threats. This thesis argues that Israel will develop a mutually deterring relationship with Tehran. The Arab Gulf States will not yield to the temptation to develop domestic nuclear programs-instead they will continue to outsource state security needs. Pakistan, focused on India and lacking serious issues with Iran, will create an understanding to avoid conflict. Iranian nuclear weapon acquisition will be universally unwelcome, but the United States can mitigate the negative impact by extending security guarantees to states requiring protection against a potentially more aggressive nuclear Iran.

<p> There are multiple paths for constructive cooperation between Iran and the Arab states of the Persian Gulf that can reshape the current contentious relations. Because of numerous mutual concerns, shared historic, religious, and cultural ties, as well as the importance of trade, Iran and the neighboring Arab countries must surmount the costly, zero-sum political frictions of today and envision a cooperative future that ensures the peace and security of the Persian Gulf. This thesis aims to present viable pathways for constructive cooperation between Iran and the Arab states of the Persian Gulf through analysis of the Islamic Republic&rsquo;s foreign policy objectives and determinants, differentiating and analyzing identified grievances and positive factors in bilateral relations between Iran and the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, and the consequences of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action on the geopolitics of the region.</p>

Existing studies of Anglo-Argentine relations offer various explanations for policy and diplomatic outcomes between Britain and Argentina. This paper presents a constructivist analysis of British perceptions and framing of Argentina in elite political discourse. British perceptions of Argentina are necessary to understand outcomes of particular moments of economic cooperation and military conflict between the two states in the twentieth century. British political rhetoric and discourse are used to show how durable perceptions of Argentina can be traced throughout the history of their relationship and end up shaping relations in 1930s and 1980s.

<p> This dissertation assesses the influence of international standards and guidance on peace education on education policy and practice at the national and local levels in a fragile state. It also explores the critical factors that affect this influence&mdash;or the lack thereof. Utilizing a vertical case study approach that draws comparisons across multiple levels, this research examines the case of Afghanistan from 2002 to 2015. The author explored the origins and content of these recommendations at the global level, investigated their influence at the national level, and assessed what then is implemented at the local level through the work of a local non-governmental organization (NGO).</p><p> While there has been a growing presence of peace education in international recommendations and instruments promulgated by the United Nations, this study demonstrates how challenging it is for the international community to coordinate and harmonize its discourse on peace education&mdash;let alone to influence significantly a fragile state&rsquo;s national education policy and practice. The international community&rsquo;s recommendations on peace education had only a limited influence on the Afghan government&rsquo;s education policy and practice. At the local level, the global recommendations did influence the work of a local Afghan NGO, Help the Afghan Children, and its peace education program launched in 2002. The success of this program has triggered the interest of the Ministry in developing and testing a national school-based peace education curriculum that could be taught in all government schools in the country. However, the lack of resources and political will represent a great obstacle for the program to be scaled up at the national level. Overall, this vertical study underlined different potentials for the integration of peace education in schools at the national versus the local level.</p><p> As a critical case, Afghanistan provided sufficient positive conditions to implement some global recommendations on peace education, despite the complexity of the local context. The critical factors that explain the limits of this influence are not specific to Afghanistan and can be found in other fragile states. If they are not addressed, the international community will face similar obstacles to the integration of peace education in other fragile states. </p>