Qiu Linchuan (Jack). / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 169-173). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / The Objectives --- p.1 / The Assumptions --- p.2 / The Case --- p.4 / Methods --- p.9 / The Conceptual Framework --- p.11 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Theoretical Background --- p.18 / Communication Technology as A Democratizer --- p.18 / Democratizer or Something Else? --- p.23 / The Concept of Mediation --- p.27 / The Mediationist Perspective --- p.33 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- China's Cyberspace --- p.37 / China 's Nets and Netizens --- p.40 / Bamboo Curtains Unfurled --- p.53 / Virtual Censorship vs. Mass Media Regulation: a Comparison --- p.67 / Concluding Remarks --- p.75 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Processes of Mediation --- p.79 / Internet Audience and Their Exposure --- p.80 / The Rugged Route from Exposure to Expression --- p.88 / The Gap between Virtuality and Reality --- p.98 / Concluding Remarks --- p.108 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- The Consequences of Mediation --- p.110 / Evaluating the Consequences --- p.110 / Selecting Online Arenas --- p.113 / Data Gathering and Coding --- p.119 / Findings --- p.130 / Concluding remarks --- p.147 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Discussions --- p.151 / Summary --- p.151 / Methodological Issues --- p.154 / Broader Implications --- p.164 / Bibliography --- p.169

published_or_final_version / Sociology / Master / Master of Philosophy

The important and exemplary role that Internet technology played in enhancing the publicity campaign of the Chiapas insurgents in their struggle for political reform in Mexico, is the focus of this thesis. By examining the Internet as an alternative distribution network for Subcomandante Marcos' communiques, it can be conjectured that the technology provided him with a space through which his voice could be heard in the international political arena. It was a space both external to Mexican government control, and through which Macros disseminated a powerful discourse representing the insurgents' political goals and grievances--one contrary to that being transmitted by the state-controlled media. Internet technology, it can be argued, generated the necessary national and international public consciousness, opinion, scrutiny and support for the Chiapas insurgents, that ultimately transformed their conflict with the Mexican government from a violent war of arms, to one of peaceful negotiation and dialogue.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences / Department of Communication

No description available.

Zhang Weiyu. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 170-177). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter I --- Subaltern Public Spheres on the Internet --- p.5 / Democracy and the Internet --- p.5 / Public sphere as a democratic ideal --- p.7 / Chapter ´Ø --- Habermasian public sphere --- p.8 / Chapter ´Ø --- Multiple public spheres --- p.11 / Chapter ´Ø --- Habermasian public sphere vs. multiple public spheres --- p.17 / Public sphere and the Internet --- p.21 / Chapter ´Ø --- Habermasian public sphere on the Internet --- p.23 / Chapter ´Ø --- Multiple public spheres on the Internet --- p.27 / Chapter II --- Subaltern Public Spheres in China --- p.30 / The history of Chinese civil society --- p.30 / Civil society in contemporary China --- p.32 / Chapter ´Ø --- Definitions of civil society --- p.32 / Chapter ´Ø --- Trade union and the caged social organizations --- p.34 / Chapter ´Ø --- Entrepreneurial class and the incorporated social organizations --- p.36 / Chapter ´Ø --- Discussions --- p.38 / Multiple public spheres in contemporary China --- p.39 / Chapter ´Ø --- Mass media and the dominant public sphere --- p.41 / Chapter ´Ø --- The premises of subaltern public sphere in China --- p.42 / Chapter ´Ø --- Subaltern public spheres in contemporary China --- p.44 / Chapter III --- Research Questions and Research Design --- p.48 / Research questions --- p.48 / Research site: an online discussion board of movies --- p.48 / Chapter ´Ø --- Why BBS? --- p.49 / Chapter ´Ø --- Why movies? --- p.51 / Research methods --- p.54 / Chapter IV --- Bulletin Boards as Subaltern Public Spheres --- p.57 / Introduction of Rear Window --- p.58 / Chapter ´Ø --- The development of Rear Window --- p.59 / Chapter ´Ø --- The contents on Rear Window --- p.61 / Chapter ´Ø --- The users of Rear Window --- p.63 / Accessibility of Rear Window --- p.65 / Chapter ´Ø --- Accessibility of the Internet in China --- p.65 / Chapter ´Ø --- Accessibility of xici.net --- p.66 / Chapter ´Ø --- Accessibility of Rear Window --- p.68 / Discourse on RearWindow --- p.73 / Chapter ´Ø --- "Introduction of the discussions about ""Movies are a kind of politics""" --- p.75 / Chapter ´Ø --- The goal of the discussion --- p.77 / Chapter ´Ø --- The equality of the discussion --- p.80 / Chapter ´Ø --- The rationality of the discussion --- p.85 / Chapter ´Ø --- The communicative rationality of the participants --- p.89 / Chapter ´Ø --- Other kinds of discourse --- p.93 / Discussions and conclusions --- p.95 / Chapter V --- Relationships among the Subaltern Public Sphere and the State --- p.98 / The autonomy from the state --- p.100 / Chapter ´Ø --- Control at the level of state --- p.102 / Chapter ´Ø --- Control at the level of websites --- p.107 / Chapter ´Ø --- Control at the level of boardmasters --- p.111 / Chapter ´Ø --- Control through self-censorship --- p.112 / The discursive resistance toward the state --- p.114 / Discussions and conclusions --- p.125 / Chapter VI --- Relationships between the Subaltern Public sphere and the Market Economy --- p.129 / The Internet economy in China and the subaltern public sphere --- p.132 / The pirate movie industry and the subaltern public sphere --- p.138 / Private movie watching and the market economy --- p.142 / Discussions and conclusions --- p.147 / Chapter VII --- Relationships between the Subaltern Public Sphere and the Mass Media --- p.149 / The competition between RearWindow and mass media --- p.151 / The collaboration between RearWindow and mass media --- p.154 / Discussions and conclusions --- p.159 / Discussions and Conclusions --- p.161 / Subaltern public spheres --- p.161 / Democratic potential of the Internet --- p.165 / Chinese civil society and Chinese public sphere --- p.166 / Limitations of the study --- p.168 / Bibliography --- p.170 / Appendix: Survey Questionnaire --- p.178

Tang, Li. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 130-137). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1 --- Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- Public Sphere: Liberal Model --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- Criticism on Unitary Public Sphere --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1.3 --- Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.12 / Chapter 2.1.4 --- Criteria for Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.14 / Chapter 2.1.5 --- External Parties --- p.16 / Chapter 2.1.6 --- Public Sphere in the Cyberspace --- p.17 / Chapter 2.2 --- Public Sphere in Contemporary China --- p.19 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Application of the Concept of Public Sphere in China --- p.19 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Dominant Public Sphere in China --- p.21 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- Subaltern Groups in China --- p.23 / Chapter 2.2.4 --- Subaltern Public Spheres in Chinese Cyberspace --- p.25 / Chapter 2.2.5 --- HBV Carriers Group and the Forum --- p.28 / Chapter 3 --- Research Design --- p.32 / Chapter 3.1 --- Overall Conceptual Framework --- p.32 / Chapter 3.2 --- Research Questions --- p.33 / Chapter 3.3 --- Research Methods --- p.36 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Textual Analysis --- p.36 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Interviews --- p.39 / Chapter 4 --- Brief Overview of the Forum --- p.43 / Chapter 4.1 --- Overall Development --- p.43 / Chapter 4.2 --- Structure --- p.46 / Chapter 4.3 --- Users --- p.50 / Chapter 5 --- Empowerment on the Discursive Level --- p.53 / Chapter 5.1 --- Characteristics of the Forum --- p.53 / Chapter 5.1.1 --- Alternative Topic --- p.53 / Chapter 5.1.2 --- Alternative Information of HBV --- p.54 / Chapter 5.1.3 --- Discourse of Self-Narrative --- p.59 / Chapter 5.1.4 --- Forum Accessibility --- p.61 / Chapter 5.1.5 --- Relative Equality --- p.62 / Chapter 5.2 --- Rhetoric of Innocence --- p.64 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- Attribution of the Spread of HBV --- p.65 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- Attribution of Discrimination --- p.68 / Chapter 5.3 --- Summary --- p.70 / Chapter 6 --- Empowerment and Collective Action --- p.73 / Chapter 6.1 --- The State --- p.73 / Chapter 6.1.1 --- State's Impact on HBV Carriers --- p.75 / Chapter 6.1.2 --- Resistance Enabled by the Internet --- p.76 / Chapter 6.1.3 --- Challenges from the State --- p.84 / Chapter 6.1.4 --- Compromise with the State --- p.86 / Chapter 6.2 --- The Market --- p.88 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- Market Domination --- p.89 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- Resistance against the Market --- p.91 / Chapter 6.2.3 --- Challenges from the market --- p.99 / Chapter 6.3 --- The Mass Media --- p.101 / Chapter 6.3.1 --- Mass Media's Domination --- p.102 / Chapter 6.3.2 --- Forum's Efforts to Get Favourably Represented --- p.106 / Chapter 6.3.3 --- Mass Media's Influence over the Forum --- p.111 / Chapter 6.4 --- Summary --- p.113 / Chapter 7 --- Conclusion and Discussion --- p.116 / Chapter 7.1 --- Assessing Empowerment Capacity --- p.116 / Chapter 7.1.1 --- Formation of a Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.116 / Chapter 7.1.2 --- Discursive Empowerment --- p.117 / Chapter 7.1.3 --- Transformed Relationships with External Parties --- p.118 / Chapter 7.2 --- Internet and Empowerment --- p.123 / Chapter 7.3 --- Limitations of the study --- p.127 / Bibliography --- p.130

Opinion leaders are important political players who bridge the gap between the political elite and the general public. Traditionally opinion leaders use social pressure and social support via interpersonal communication to personally influence the opinions, attitudes and behaviours of their everyday associates (who make up the general public). However, in a hybrid media system opinion leaders have access to added channels which mean they can communicate with audiences beyond their everyday associates and/or engage in non-interpersonal interactions, potentially setting the stage for opinion leaders to become more influential since they can access more members of the general public. Conversely, since the ability of opinion leaders to influence others traditionally relies on strong social bonds, even if audiences are accessible for information transfer, the lack of social connection could mean influence does not flow. As such, opinion leaders' channel choice in a hybrid media system is potentially very important. To investigate the patterns of channel use as well as motivations for, and impacts of, channel choices by opinion leaders, a two phase mixed-methods study is employed. Phase one includes online social network analysis of the #CDNpoli (Canadian politics) hashtag on Twitter and an online survey. Phase two investigates the communication practices of 21 specific digitally enabled opinion leaders drawn from the #CDNpoli network. Two hour in-depth interviews are paired with visualizations of the participants trace data. Telephone interviews with associates (alters) of the primary interviewee were conducted (N=27). This design is therefore responsive to the multi-channel reality of a hybrid media system and improves upon large scale and single channel studies which are most common in this line of research. Now strategic and, at times, impersonal, a fundamental shift in how influence is derived challenges theories of social influence and information dissemination. Two types of strategic opinion leaders emerge: enthusiasts and champions. Their strategies contribute to a wider trend - a "just-in-time" informed citizenry - where those who do not opt in to receiving messages from the political elite only get information at the last possible minute, such as during a scandal or an election. Future research and communication strategy must be sensitive to the varied aims and tactics of digitally enabled opinion leaders as well as the subsequent inconsistent relationship between the uninformed and their political system.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Communication

This dissertation examines three different subjects underpinned by one common approach— the survey experiment—and, broadly, one common aim: to better understand heterogeneity in public opinion in the United States and Canada. Specifically, it focuses heterogeneity as it relates to minorities and the cultural dynamics that emerge in multiracial and multiethnic countries. Contexts with diverse racial and ethnic compositions, diverse immigration and equity policies, and complex sociohistorical lineages are bound to be underpinned by deeply fragmented attitudinal dynamics. Yet only recently has research taken a deep dive into what the contours of this fragmentation might look like. As diversity increases in the West and cultural complexities deepen, understanding heterogeneity in public opinion toward and among different cultural, racial, and ethnic groups will become increasingly pressing. Luckily for the research community, the ability to study such heterogeneity is increasing as well. Fielding large-scale surveys has been facilitated by both the vast penetration of the Internet in the 21st century and the explosion of online marketplaces that allow researchers to buy survey respondents relatively cheaply and quickly. This dissertation exploits these contextual developments to field three online survey experiments among a total of 40,000 respondents in Canada and the United States.