Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1989.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1989. / Also available in print.

Thesis (M.A.)--Rowan University, 2007. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references.

Proefschrift Rijksuniversiteit Limburg, Maastricht. / Met lit. opg. en een samenvatting in het Nederlands.

According to the Home Office Memorandum (1992), a rapport-building phase should always be included at the start of an interview with a child undertaken for criminal proceedings. Research on rapport-building in investigative interviews with children has tended to focus on interviewer techniques in motivating children to give more detailed narratives in the substantive phase of the interview. Little is understood about the way rapport is built or the importance of the relationship between the police officer and the child. Research on the relationship in psychotherapy, however, has found that it is an important predictor of outcome, and that therapists' in-session behaviours differ in high and low alliance therapies. This study was undertaken to investigate how police officers build rapport in evidential interviews with children, and to explore difference in interviewer verbal behaviour between police officers and clinical child psychologists in initial therapeutic interviews. A brief survey of police officers' and clinical child psychologists' perceptions of the initial phase of an interview with a child was conducted. Verbal behaviours of police officers in the rapport-building phase of investigative interviews with children were explored using Stiles' (1992) verbal response modes (VRM) coding system. These behaviours were then compared with those of clinical child psychologists in initial therapeutic interviews with children. Comparisons were also made between police officers talking to children and published profiles of conversations investigated using Stiles (1992) taxonomy. The results of the survey revealed that police officers (N = 18) and clinical psychologists (N = 22) had similar perceptions of the initial phase of interviews with children. Whilst some differences were found in VRM profiles, with respect to Edification, Advisement, Acknowledgement and Reflection Intents, the speech acts of police officers (N = 44) and clinical psychologists (N = 8) were generally similar. Further analysis of police officers' verbal behaviour revealed significant main and interaction effects of child and interviewer characteristics. Comparisons were made between police officers'VRMs and speakers in other conversational settings. These revealed that police officers spoke to children in rapport-building most like parents talking to children, the clinical child psychologists in this study, and radio programine hosts talking to callers with psychological issues, and least like attorneys questioning witnesses. This study has raised a number of issues for further investigation. Future research should emphasise the importance of investigating the interpersonal processes of rapport-building in evidential interviews with children, and explore differences in the quality of rapport built and the effects of such differences.

This dissertation is a study of how anthropologists in Canada over the previous thirty years, have constructed anthropological knowledge. It reports, examines, and comments upon interviews with anthropologists trained inside and outside of Canada. Most occupy senior academic positions at Canadian universities. Interpretation of this material takes place within the discourses of the anthropology of knowledge and education. Anthropologists say that ways of thinking about anthropological knowledge conflict at the theoretical level but do not conflict in practice. Practice is defined as fieldwork and teaching. Here, theory is felt only indirectly. Various tensions follow from this understanding. They include those between subject and object, positivism and post-positivism, value and validity, field and archive, and cultural relativism versus scientific knowledge. The concept which mediates these tensions is that of the field. Fieldwork is seen by anthropologists as an experience with both epistemological and ethical implications. Ethically, the field supports a certain manner of living and outlook on humanity. This outlook includes respect for cultural differences. Yet, epistemologically, the field is divisive because it is cast as the promotional agent for various kinds of method, theory, and reflective analyses. These analyses include a belief in value relativism in concert with a scientific notion of validity. For example, if it were not for the fundamental tools of positivism in anthropology, anthropologists felt that anthropological knowledge might be seen as idiosyncratic. In their search for human knowledge, anthropologists are united by their methods and ethics. They are divided, however, by their theories. These divisions and unities are inherited in the culture of anthropology. Although anthropologists understand different cultures' values to be equal, they suggest that ways of knowing another culture through anthropology are not equally valid. Theoretical conflicts are also produced in institutions. These are seen as major influences on the 'look' of anthropology at various times and places. Departments, publishers, students and teachers are all influences on anthropological knowledge construction. Anthropological knowledge is also seen as being constructed at a personal level. Anthropologists feel the concept of vocation in the individual's life-narrative as an anthropologist is important to this construction. Anthropology is seen as a calling or assignation. As well, the purpose of anthropological knowledge is seen as an ethical precept. The sanctity of field experiences for these anthropologists brings them together ethically but divides them epistemologically. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

Behavior analysts form parent-professional relationships with families of many different backgrounds. the study evaluated the effectiveness of a training program to teach behavior analysts to utilize an open family interview format. the study was conducted at an autism treatment program. a pre-post treatment design with in vivo simulation probes before and after training was used to assess the effects of the workshop on the participants and parents’ verbal behavior. Results showed that rate of questions per minute and number of closed-ended questions decreased after training, the duration of interviews decreased after training, the number of closed-ended questions significantly decreased after training, and frequency of the discussion topic of child goals increased after training. in general, interviewer responses varied. Preliminary data and parent questionnaire responses suggested parents were comfortable with the new interview format and felt the behavior analyst understood cultural and family needs.

This study focuses on the functional identities of legal witness, legal victim, and legal perpetrator and their co-construction in the forensic interviews that take place after allegations of child sexual abuse have been made. I argue that while these are inter-related identities, the focus of their constitution and the direction of their constructional dependencies is determined by the event context. Nineteen transcripts of forensic interviews involving children ages 3 to 12 were collected during a three-month period at a children's center in a western state.Legal witness as an identity of performance, is constituted in performance. Interview processes socialize children to these performances. Ritualized sequences within interviews also provide evidence that children have the qualities required of a legal witness. Children are constructed as legal victims in interview processes that establish they have been acted upon according to specific actions defined in the law. This mutually constitutes the legal perpetrator. Children, however, resist both interpellation as a legal victim and elements of the process of the interview affecting how they are perceived as legal witnesses. Analysis also reveals that the purpose of the interview within the extended legal process inherently shapes the accounts and narratives that are co-produced.The addition of a third interview participant is also considered. Second interviewers provided a complex co-construction process that can support the constitution of the legal witness identity. Relatives of the child also provide a complex process. If they are perceived as co-authoring the narratives or accounts, however, they may negatively affect the legal witness identity. The addition of an interpreter can facilitate the child's co-construction as a legal witness. As pre-trial events, forensic interviews are not subject to trial requirements for trained interpreters. In the case considered here, the untrained interpreter produced language that was less precise, more personal, and had the potential to affect the legal implication of questions.Finally, I discuss the therapeutic, theoretical, and the social, cultural, and political implications of the study.

国立情報学研究所で電子化したコンテンツを使用している。

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Rājasthāna Viśvavidyālaya. / In Hindi. Includes bibliographical references.