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Le Pakistan est né après que l'autorité britannique ait cessé d'exister dans le sous-continent indien dans la nuit du 15 août 1947. Le territoire du Pakistan a été renommé "la République islamique du Pakistan" le 23 mars 1956, après la promulgation de sa première constitution. L’adjectif « islamique » ajouté son nom devait incité les gouvernements à employer des registres spécifiques impliquant l'utilisation de l’Islam pour gouverner la population. En conséquence, la constitution de 1956 créa la « Islamic Law Commission » (Commission des lois islamiques) pour recommander des mesures législatives pour donner naissance à une société islamique, et examiner les lois existantes. Après l'abrogation de la constitution en 1958, la constitution suivante rédigée par le gouvernement militaire du général Ayub Khan en 1962 a transformé cette « Islamic Law Commission» (la Commission de la Loi islamique) en un « Advisory Council of Islamic Ideology » (Conseil consultatif de l’idéologie islamique) avec les mêmes missions. Après l'abrogation de cette constitution en 1969, la constitution de 1973, rédigée par le gouvernement élu de Zulfikar Ali Bhutto et qui est toujours en vigueur, l'a modifié en un « Council of Islamic Ideology » (Conseil de l‘idéologie islamique) avec de nouvelles missions. Actuellement, le conseil of de l’idéologie islamique est une organisation constitutionnelle permanente et sa mission principale est d’examiner la conformité des lois avec le Coran et la Sunna, et recommander des mesures devant être promulguées comme des lois pour promouvoir le mode de vie islamique dans le pays. Le conseil envoyait ses recommandations aux gouvernements successifs « confidentiellement » jusquen 2005, date à laquelle elles sont devenues publiques. Ces rapports fournissent d’une part un aperçu des questions auxquelles la société fut confrontée au cours de la période concernée, et ils fournissent d’autre part des données pour examiner la « mentalité » cachée des gouvernements successifs en relation avec la mise en œuvre d’une politique islamique. Cette étude met également à jour les causes de la persistance du conseil dans les constitutions successives, son évolution en tant qu’institution, et le rôle joué par le Conseil de 1956 à 1988 dans la gouvernementalité. La période choisie pour l'étude est significative dans le sens où les Pakistanais avaient hésité entre le gouvernement indirectement élu du Président Iskander Mirza, le gouvernement militaire du Général Ayub Khan avant d’élire finalement le gouvernement de Zulfikar Ali Bhutto avec le slogan de « socialisme Islamique » démis de ses fonctions par le général Zia ul Haq, autoproclamé « le soldat de l'Islam ». Cette étude s’appuie largement sur les comptes rendus du Conseil, en contrastant ses recommandations avec les législations qui ont été promulguées au nom de l’Islam, sur les archives de presse et les débats de l’assemblée législative. Elle conclut que l'existence du Conseil et son évolution en tant qu’institution montrent que le type de gouvernementalité qui utilisait l'Islam était semblable sous tous les gouvernements, indépendamment du fait qu'ils aient été directement élus, indirectement élus, ou bien des dictatures militaires. Elle démontre par ailleurs que les recommandations du Conseil ont non seulement joué un rôle important dans les législations qui ont été promulguées par les gouvernements successifs, mais qu’elles ont aussi eu un impact profond sur la cohésion même de la société pakistanaise dans les années qui ont suivi. / Pakistan came into being after the British rule ceased to exist in the Sub-continent at the night of August 15, 1947. This dominion of Pakistan was later renamed as ‘Islamic Republic of Pakistan’ on 23 March 1956 after the promulgation of its first indigenous constitution. This adverb Islamic to its name aspired from its governments to govern through specific registers which involved the use of Islam to govern population. Consequently, the constitution of 1956 provided the Islamic Laws Commission to recommend such measure that can be given legislative effect to make society Islamic and examine the existing laws. After abrogation of said constitution in 1958, the next constitution drafted by the military government of General Ayub Khan in 1962 renamed this body as Advisory Council of Islamic Ideology with likewise duties. After the abrogation of this constitution in 1969, the present constitution of 1973 drafted by the elected government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto renamed it as Council of Islamic Ideology with further increased duties. Presently Council of Islamic Ideology is a permanent constitutional body, and its duties are to examine the repugnancy of laws in the lights of Quran and Sunnah and recommend measures to be promulgated as legislations to promote Islamic way of life in the country. It used to send its recommendation to the respective governments ‘confidentially’ until 2005 when its earlier report since its creation were declared public formally. These reports on the one hand provide a glimpse into the issues faced by the society during those years and further provide an insight to look into the hidden mentality of respective government to govern through the politics of Islam. The study traces the causes of its persistence in the constitutions, evolution as an institution, and the role played by the Council from 1956 till 1988 in governmentality. The period selected for the study is significant in the sense that, Pakistan had vacillated between indirectly elected government of President Iskander Mirza, to military government of General Ayub Khan and elected government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto with the slogan of ‘Islamic socialism’ to the military government of General Zia ul Haq, self-called ‘soldier of Islam’. This study draws extensively on the proceedings of the Council by contrasting its recommendations with the legislations that were promulgated on the name of Islam, newspaper archives and the legislative Assembly debates. It concludes that the existence of the Council and its evolution as an institution shows that governmentality of using Islam was alike during all the governments irrespective of the fact that they were directly elected, indirectly elected or the military governments. It further concludes that the recommendations of the Council played not just an important role in the legislations that were promulgated by the different governments but also impacted the basic fabric of the society in the following years.

This thesis presents a study of the relationship between the intellectual transmission of Islam, the cultivation of Islamic ideology, and the accumulation of profit within the Islamic publication industry in modern Indonesia. In order to investigate the relationship between these three aspects, this study concentrates on print media, with a particular focus on printed books and magazines. It is engaged with the central problem of how this Islamic industry posits itself in dealing with its role in transmitting Islamic teachings as well as developing certain kinds of Islamic ideology and in dealing with its capacity as an economic and business activity which is theoretically oriented to profit-making. The Islamic publication industry in modern Indonesia has become an increasingly important area of interest. A number of scholarly works have appeared which allow us to understand better some of the features of the Islamic publication industry in modern Indonesia. A gap still remains, however, due to the fact that these studies have had only one focus of analysis, the ideological inclinations of different sections of the print media. As a result, fundamental problems remain, especially in connection to an examination of any relationship between the three issues indicated earlier. This thesis is an attempt to fill this gap in understanding the revival of the Islamic publication industry in modern Indonesia. It incorporates two foci of analysis, that is, an ideological and political economy approach, to uncover the material and non-material dimensions of the Islamic publication industry emerging in modern Indonesia. This study finds that the Islamic publication industry in modern Indonesia performs well through its high sales and significant contribution to the development of varied Islamic ideologies, and plays a unique role in the print publication industry in general. This industry posits itself not only as a profitable business enterprise but also as a significant da`wah (religious proselytising) unit. This mode of positing affects the way the industry deals with three key aspects of its publishing activities noted earlier. The study further demonstrates that the actualisation of these dual purposes occurs through the process of the so-called commodification of Islamic ideas and expressions within the print publication industry. The commodification of Islam itself refers, in fact, to a commercialisation which involves transforming Islamic faith, ideas, expressions and symbols into a real, exchanged commodity available for production, consumption or sale for profit. So, the Islamic print publication industry presents a commodified form of Islam in which Islamic teachings and the cultivation of Islamic ideologies become a real, exchanged commodity for profit collection. In transforming the concept of da`wah into the publication industry, Islamic publishers differ from one another, however. This difference can be seen through the diverse ways in which Islam and Muslim practices have been commodified as the major saleable commodity for publication. Likewise, all Islamic publishers have commodified different aspects of Islam and Muslim practices as the main materials for their own publication. People are presented, as a result, with different ideologies of Islam, from tolerant and progressive to fundamentalist-jihadist bents. This phenomenon develops similarly in both Islamic books and magazines. When there is contradiction particularly between the ideology and the market (profit), however, Islamic publishers develop a so-called “negotiated market”. This conception refers to the notion that Islamic publishing houses are certainly oriented to the market but at the same time they have to negotiate it with their ideology. For them, the market is so important that the decision to publish manuscripts has to consider it. The market is not everything for them, however, as it has to be decided whether the material in question contributes or discourages the development of the variety of Islamic ideology each of those Islamic publishers adopt. Attempts to understand better the Islamic publication industry with the increasing production and consumption of its products, books or magazines, in modern Indonesia need, therefore, an enriched theoretical perspective. This study shows us that a combined theoretical framework invoking both ideological and political economy aspects is useful in developing such an enriched theoretical perspective to address the interplay between these three aspects.

This thesis presents a study of the relationship between the intellectual transmission of Islam, the cultivation of Islamic ideology, and the accumulation of profit within the Islamic publication industry in modern Indonesia. In order to investigate the relationship between these three aspects, this study concentrates on print media, with a particular focus on printed books and magazines. It is engaged with the central problem of how this Islamic industry posits itself in dealing with its role in transmitting Islamic teachings as well as developing certain kinds of Islamic ideology and in dealing with its capacity as an economic and business activity which is theoretically oriented to profit-making. The Islamic publication industry in modern Indonesia has become an increasingly important area of interest. A number of scholarly works have appeared which allow us to understand better some of the features of the Islamic publication industry in modern Indonesia. A gap still remains, however, due to the fact that these studies have had only one focus of analysis, the ideological inclinations of different sections of the print media. As a result, fundamental problems remain, especially in connection to an examination of any relationship between the three issues indicated earlier. This thesis is an attempt to fill this gap in understanding the revival of the Islamic publication industry in modern Indonesia. It incorporates two foci of analysis, that is, an ideological and political economy approach, to uncover the material and non-material dimensions of the Islamic publication industry emerging in modern Indonesia. This study finds that the Islamic publication industry in modern Indonesia performs well through its high sales and significant contribution to the development of varied Islamic ideologies, and plays a unique role in the print publication industry in general. This industry posits itself not only as a profitable business enterprise but also as a significant da`wah (religious proselytising) unit. This mode of positing affects the way the industry deals with three key aspects of its publishing activities noted earlier. The study further demonstrates that the actualisation of these dual purposes occurs through the process of the so-called commodification of Islamic ideas and expressions within the print publication industry. The commodification of Islam itself refers, in fact, to a commercialisation which involves transforming Islamic faith, ideas, expressions and symbols into a real, exchanged commodity available for production, consumption or sale for profit. So, the Islamic print publication industry presents a commodified form of Islam in which Islamic teachings and the cultivation of Islamic ideologies become a real, exchanged commodity for profit collection. In transforming the concept of da`wah into the publication industry, Islamic publishers differ from one another, however. This difference can be seen through the diverse ways in which Islam and Muslim practices have been commodified as the major saleable commodity for publication. Likewise, all Islamic publishers have commodified different aspects of Islam and Muslim practices as the main materials for their own publication. People are presented, as a result, with different ideologies of Islam, from tolerant and progressive to fundamentalist-jihadist bents. This phenomenon develops similarly in both Islamic books and magazines. When there is contradiction particularly between the ideology and the market (profit), however, Islamic publishers develop a so-called “negotiated market”. This conception refers to the notion that Islamic publishing houses are certainly oriented to the market but at the same time they have to negotiate it with their ideology. For them, the market is so important that the decision to publish manuscripts has to consider it. The market is not everything for them, however, as it has to be decided whether the material in question contributes or discourages the development of the variety of Islamic ideology each of those Islamic publishers adopt. Attempts to understand better the Islamic publication industry with the increasing production and consumption of its products, books or magazines, in modern Indonesia need, therefore, an enriched theoretical perspective. This study shows us that a combined theoretical framework invoking both ideological and political economy aspects is useful in developing such an enriched theoretical perspective to address the interplay between these three aspects.

This thesis delineates the transformation of Iran’s so-called post-revolutionary ‘religious intellectuals’ (rowshanfekran-e dini) from ideological legitimators within the political class of the newly-established theocratic-populist regime to internal critics whose revised vision for the politico-religious order coalesced and converged with the growing disillusionment and frustration of the ‘Islamic left’, a constellation of political forces within the governing elite of the Islamic Republic, that following the death of Ayatollah Khomeini increasingly felt itself marginalised and on the outskirts of power. The historical evolution of this complex, quasi-institutionalised and routinized network, encompassing theologians, jurists, political strategists and journalists, which rose to prominence in the course of the 1990s, and its critical engagement with the ruling political theology of the ‘guardianship of the jurist’, the supremacy of Islamic jurisprudence, political Islamism and all forms of ‘revolutionary’ and ‘utopian’ political and social transformation, are scrutinised in detail. In this vein, the thesis examines the various issues provoked by the rowshanfekran-e dini’s strategic deployment and translation of the concepts and ideas of a number of Western thinkers, several of which played a pivotal role in the assault on the ideological foundations of Soviet-style communism in the 1950s and 1960s. It then moves to show how this network of intellectuals and politicos following the election of Mohammad Khatami to the presidency in May 1997 sought to disseminate their ideas at the popular level by means of the press and numerous party and political periodicals, and thereby achieve ideological and political hegemony. The thesis proceeds to demonstrate the intimate connection between the project of ‘religious intellectualism’ and elite-defined notions of ‘democracy’, ‘electoral participation’, ‘reform’ and ‘political development’ as part of an effort to accumulate symbolic capital and assert their intellectual and moral leadership of the polity.