Zugl.: Aberdeen, Univ., Diss., 2008

The centrality of the police in everyday life means police officers are in position of power to actively support or threaten democratic activities (Sklansky, 2008) for example during protests. In democracies, policing duties should be performed in ways that sustain democratic values, rather than undermine them (Loader, 2006), yet that is not always the reality. Police training is one of the tools for aligning officers' behaviour with societal norms; it is considered a protection against the possibility that police officers abuse the wide-ranging powers they hold (Manning, 2010). Training programs are therefore a basic feature of all police forces' organizational approach. Despite its centrality, training has not received extensive academic attention; there is a pressing need to understand the impact of training on police behaviour and the mechanisms thorough which it operates (Skogan & Frydl, 2004). This thesis attempts to advance the evidence-base of democratic police training following the Medical Research Council's framework for the development and evaluation of complex social interventions (Craig et al., 2008). The Israeli Border Police was chosen as the context to examine the potential of training to advance democratic norms. The three stages of the research project included: theoretical modelling of the existing complex training intervention to assess its alignment with existing evidence; participatory development and piloting of a training curriculum on policing of protests in a democracy that used an Adult Education approach and introduced Procedural Justice-related components; and a pilot quasi-randomised study to evaluate this training. Analysis and reporting are carried out in a way that allows assessment of prospective scale-up and generalisability. Flowing from the empirical work, four strands of theoretical contributions are put forward. First, a theoretical model of police training is proposed, drawing on social psychology constructs. Second, contact theory, which originates in peace education, is proposed as a possible platform for designing both police training and their evaluation studies. Third, four factors limiting the efficacy of Procedural Justice & Legitimacy based training interventions in deeply divided societies are outlined. Fourth, the Border Police case study is used to substantiate the value of participatory research methods for advancing knowledge translation and evidence-based policing.

This paper aims to tell many different stories about life in Jerusalem. It is, in part, about the human suffering that exists under Israeli occupation. It is about the legitimacy of powerful narratives, despite inaccuracies and contradictions. It is about the resilience and tenacity of various communities on either side of a complex conflict. But primarily, this is a paper about borders: both physical and intangible boundaries that divide and define various communities in Jerusalem. Boundaries reveal a society through their construction, destruction, and definition of space. Because borders are demonstrated through anecdote, I examine boundaries largely through ethnography, exploring four specific types of boundaries and spaces: physical-political boundaries, boundaries based on cultural identity, gendered spaces, and heterotopias. Political and social shifts occur on boundaries where contact, conflict, and compromise exist. By examining sites that are particularly vulnerable to transition, we can better understand societal change and affect genuine resolution.

Founded in the eighth Century CE by Anan ben David, the basic tenet of this breakaway Jewish sect was that the Bible was the only divine script. Over the ensuing years, a long line of sages consolidated this dictum, establishing a set of rules which at times was even more rigid than the Rabbanite teachings they had rejected. From the tenth to the twentieth centuries the Karaites were dispersed and persecuted as were their Rabbanite brethren. By the middle of the 20th century, their largest settlement, a flourishing community in Egypt, came to an end with the eruption of hostilities between Israel and her Arab neighbours. Most of this community settled in Israel where they met with opposition or indifference from the Rabbanite establishment. This work describes the history of the Karaites, their present situation and the barriers they have overcome in the fulfillment of their special brand of Judaism. / Religious Studies and Arabic / M.A. (Semitics)

Tesis para optar al grado de magíster en estudios internacionales / No autorizada por la autora para ser publicada en texto completo / Capítulo I: Marco teórico del Trabajo: “Una mirada desde la Teoría Democrática, la Teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales y la Multiculturalidad”. En este capítulo se revisarán los aportes de los clásicos de la Teoría Democrática como Sartori, Dahl, Lijphart, entre otros, que servirán para analizar y evaluar lo rasgos de la democracia israelí. En segundo término, las contribuciones al tema en estudio desde la perspectiva clásica del Realismo, el Neo Realismo, el Institucionalismo Liberal y del Constructivismo. Y, por último, se incluirá el modelo de política pública de la multiculturalidad. Es decir, la coexistencia pacífica de diferentes culturas en una misma entidad política territorial, que puede constituir una salida a la discriminación de la población árabe en el Estado de Israel. Estos enfoques nos ayudarán a explicar 10 el objeto de estudio y la hipótesis de trabajo, y serán los lentes que nos guiarán para entender las causas de la segregación. Las definiciones de una democracia moderna, los conceptos de seguridad del Estado, el discurso dominante, el concepto del Otro, el sistema mundial, serán importantes ejes para entender por qué en un Estado democrático se ejerce la discriminación hacia parte de su población. • Capítulo 2: “Palestinos en Israel. Antecedentes históricos de la segregación”. Para contextualizar y entender mejor el fenómeno en estudio, se revisará la identidad del pueblo palestino; el sionismo y la negación de la autodeterminación de los árabes; el debate sobre un Estado “judío y democrático” y la historia de los palestinos como habitantes del nuevo Estado. Las bases históricas nos ayudarán a entender las razones que llevaron, desde la etapa formativa del Estado, a aplicar una política de exclusión y el por qué los palestinos de Israel no han cesado en su lucha por defender su identidad e igualdad de derechos y por alcanzar un Estado para todos sus ciudadanos. • Capítulo 3: “La Segregación en el Estado de Israel”. En este capítulo se explicará cómo, en la práctica, Israel aplica una política multidimensional de segregación que afecta todos los ámbitos de la vida del ciudadano árabe israelí. Afecta sus derechos políticos, económicos y sociales. • Capítulo 4: “Multiculturalidad como modelo de integración”. En el capítulo final se abordarán distintas propuestas o salidas al fenómeno de la segregación, a través del modelo de integración o multiculturalidad. Se esbozará qué ingeniería política se podría aplicar a Israel que dé expresión al pluralismo cultural, que promueva la no discriminación por razones de raza o cultura, y el reconocimiento de la diferencia. Para así mejorar o superar las relaciones de desigualdad de las minorías respecto de las culturas dominantes.

This dissertation interrogates the political use of the past in global politics, with a focus on Israel/Palestine. Collective memory is mostly theorised in IR as determinant of national identities. Similarly, in the field of Memory Studies, collective memory is mostly confined to “Methodological Nationalism.” My main argument is that while national narratives purport to be stand-alone stories of the past, or monological narratives, they are in fact in constant negotiation with other stories of that past, they are dialogical. Furthermore, their dynamic transcends the boundaries of the nation state and of transnational institutional politics. To encapsulate these cross-narrative intertextual relationships into a framework that would enable productive analysis, I suggest the re-articulation of the dialogical relationships as transnational constellations, which focus first and foremost on the narratives themselves.

Condiciones en las startups de Israel que las convierten en las compañías que mejor aprovechan el entorno industrial 4.0

Cohabitation in contested territories is extremely difficult, especially when there is an occupying power and an occupied people sharing the same area and have limited access to each other's exclusive domains. Throughout history, these conditions have been temporal - usually, one of the two powers gains control of the area and the other is exiled or forced to assimilate. In the case of the city of Hebron in the Occupied West Bank/Israel this will never be a reality. Due to its religious importance to Jews, Muslims, and Arabs, Hebron will always be seen by the state of Israel and the nation of Palestine as "theirs", a condition formalized as part of The Protocol Concerning the Redeployment in Hebron of 1997. As a result of the protocol the city was meticulously segregated down to the block and building scale. Currently, 80% of Hebron is Palestinian (H1) while 20% is Israeli (H2). Even though Palestinian Hebron is larger, it is under complete Israeli military control while H2's only constraint is limited entry H1. These divisions are extremely complex as there is no wall around the city to differentiate both "neighborhood nations." Hebron is a complex metropolis of layers assigned by altitude, religious affiliation and military strategy. Hebronites experience various privileges and restrictions depending on their national affiliation, a reality that incubates resentments between both communities. The thesis aims to create nationless spaces, unaffiliated "engineered paradises" deployed at the urban scale, to provide a respite from the toxicity of the Arab-Israeli conflict. / 0 / SPK / specialcollections@tulane.edu

This dissertation research has two purposes: (1) to broaden our knowledge on trauma resilience, and (2) to propose and test a methodology to help a development worker develop a program to address trauma resilience while taking into account the local context. To do this a group of Israeli experts on trauma resilience was recruited, for the purpose of developing a set of axioms about trauma resilience and how these axioms have been or should be applied in Israel. Israel has had to face ongoing terror and war through its history, which has led to a very experienced professional class of academics and practitioners in trauma resilience. The first part of the paper discusses the purpose of the research and the concept behind the research; the use of an expert panel, the Variable Generating Activity (VGA), and the Delphi Technique. The literature review on trauma resilience concentrates on research done in Israel dealing with trauma and trauma resilience and helps develop the framework to categorize the trauma resilience axioms around different societal contexts of analysis: individual, family, community, and national. There were 83 axioms identified. These axioms served as the basis for two follow-up surveys of the Expert Panel. The first survey asked the Panel to rate the 83 axioms identified from the interviews using a 5-point Likert scale (strongly disagree "u2013 strongly agree), and the second survey was to allow the expert panel to provide examples of how the top consensus axioms have been or should be applied in Israel. The methodology was able to successfully broaden our understanding of trauma resilience with the identification of 83 trauma resilience axioms. The axioms spanned all four contexts of analysis, but the majority of trauma resilience axioms, 59%, focused on the individual context. The top consensus axioms emphasized the importance of connections and support within and between contexts, also resilience characteristics within individuals and communities were identified. The methodology also was able to identify strategies to address the axioms. These ideas could help a development worker to develop a plan to address trauma resilience and to take local perspectives and ideas into account. / Eric Corzine

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / This dissertation examines the ambiguous status of the Palestinian citizens of Israel. It focuses on three events: the 1956 Kafar Qasem massacre, the 1976 Land Day events, and the October 2000 shootings. It argues that neither a civic-republican nor a liberal-democratic understanding of the concept of "citizenship" provide an adequate account of the status of this minority. The interplay between these conceptions of citizenship exemplifies the constant tension between Israel's two defining characteristics -- as the Jewish homeland and a liberal-democratic state. The dissertation argues that the political theories of Hannah Arendt and Carl Schmitt offer a more promising articulation of this status. While the state-official responses to these cases vary, they do share one common aspect -- the shooting and killing of Palestinian citizens by state security forces. These point to a clear course taken by the state of setting the lives of its Palestinian inhabitants in constant political and civil unpredictability. The tension between the civic-republican and the liberal-democratic conceptions of citizenship is sufficient to explain some of the inequality endured by the Palestinian minority. Nevertheless, the dissertation will argue that these watershed events in Israeli history point not simply to the inequality of the Palestinian citizens, but raise the troubling question of whether, in effect, Palestinians are treated as citizens at all. The second part of the dissertation draws on the work of Hannah Arendt and Carl Schmitt to explore two alternative ways of analyzing the status of the Palestinian minority. Arendt's understanding of power and violence clarifies the varied outcomes of the cases, and her account of the condition of "statelessness" suggests that the Palestinians' status is better understood as that of stateless-citizens. Carl Schmitt's notion of the "state of exception" provides a troubling articulation of the state's use of a constant sense of emergency. His distinction between "friend" and "enemy" suggests the treatment of the Palestinian citizens is best understood as that of internal enemies. Taken together, these approaches shed light on the reality in which the Palestinians live as citizens, a reality of uncertainty, unpredictability and animosity.