Este trabalho procura analisar a história libanesa (até abril de 2005), no intuito de encontrar subsídios para entender se o Estado que fora criado após o Mandato francês (1920-43), transformou-se numa Democracia. A discussão acerca de o Líbano ser considerado estadonação, também está presente no contexto histórico desse trabalho. Paralelamente aos questionamentos feitos sobre o sistema político libanês, analisam-se o surgimento do grupo xiita (Hizbullah), seu projeto islamista inicial e suas razões para transformar-se em partido político. Questionam-se as ligações: Hizbullah-Irã e Hizbullah- Síria. Na conclusão questiona-se, a partir dos modelos de democracia de Dahl, Lijphart e Sartori, se o Líbano hoje é um país democrático e se houve transformação no sistema político libanês com a inserção de uma organização islamista. / This work analyzes Lebanon\'s history until April, 2005, with the objective to determine if the State that came into being at the end of the French Mandate (1943) evolved into a democracy. The historical introduction also discusses to what degree Lebanon can be considered a nationstate. In parallel to the arguments about the Lebanese political system, we analyze the emergence of the Shiite group Hizbullah is analyzed, its initial Islamist project, and its transformation into a political party. Its links with Iran and Syria are also considered. In conclusion Dahl\'s, Lijphart\'s, and Sartori\'s models are applied to inquire if Lebanon today is a democratic country, and to what extent its political system had changed through the integration of an Islamist organization.

Thesis. 1978. Ph.D. cn--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH. / Includes bibliographical references. / Ph.D.cn

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In der vorliegenden Diplomarbeit wird untersucht, welchen Einfluss kollektive Erinnerung und offizielle Geschichtsschreibung auf die Bildung kollektiver Identitäten haben und speziell auf Israel bezogen, wie und ob aus der Erinnerungskultur an die Shoah Handlungsmotivationen im gegenwärtigen Konflikt abgeleitet und diese mit Bezug auf die Shoah legitimiert werden. Der Focus im theoretischen Bereich der Arbeit liegt in erster Linie auf der Entstehung kultureller Gedächtnisse und kollektiver Identitäten speziell auf den Dynamiken, die sie in Großkollektiven wie Nationen entwickeln, in denen mehrere Erinnerungsdiskurse und Gruppenidentitäten der gesamtgesellschaftlichen Integration bedürfen. Des weiteren wird der Frage nachgegangen in welchem Verhältnis moderne Geschichtswissenschaft und kollektive Erinnerung zueinander stehen. Ist eine echte Trennung von Geschichtswissenschaft und kollektiver Erinnerung in der gelebten Realität einer Gruppe überhaupt möglich, vor allem, wenn ihr Gegenstand eine zentrale Rolle im kulturellen Gedächtnis des Kollektivs einnimmt und exponiert zur Identitätskonstruktion herangezogen wird, wie die Shoah in Israel? Hier schließt sich die Rezeption der Entwicklung der Shoah-Erinnerung in Israel von der Gründung des Staates bis heute an. Untersucht wird hier, welchen Stellenwert die Erinnerung an die Shoah zu den verschiedenen Zeiten im Selbstbild der jüdischen Israelis einnahm und warum sie immer wieder Eingang in tagespolitische Diskurse und Entscheidungen fand. Kommt es in Zeiten der äußeren Bedrohung durch Selbstmordanschläge oder andere außen- und innenpolitischen Unsicherheitssituationen zu einer verstärkten Projektion der Shoah-Erinnerung auf die Gegenwart? Dieser Frage wird im dritten Teil der Arbeit an Hand einer Zeitungsanalyse nachgegangen. / This diploma thesis analyses the impact of the collective remembrance and the official historiography on the collective memory. The specific question concerning Israel is asking if the actions in the ongoing conflict are derived and motivated from the cultural remembrance of the Shoah and how are these actions legitimized in reference to the Shoah. The theoretical focus of this paper lies in the genesis of the cultural commemorations and collective identities, specifically on the dynamics that have developed in large groups such as in nations, where different discourses of remembrance and group-identities require integration to society as a whole. Furthermore the question how historical science and collective memory relate to one another is pursued. Is it possible that there is a definite distinction between the historiography and the collective memory of the living group’s reality, particularly when the subject plays a major roll in the cultural recommendation of the collective society, such as the Shoah in modern Israel? This is followed by an analysis of how the remembrance of the Shoah has developed in Israel from its foundation as a state to modern times. The specific subject of interest here is the relative importance of how the remembrance of the Shoah has affected the self-perception of Jewish Israelis and why it consistently penetrates current political affairs and their decisions. Can there be found an increased projection of the Shoah remembrance in the present in situations of inner- and outer political interference, for example by suicide-bombings or in times of external and internal uncertainty? This question is pursued in the last part of this paper through newspaper analysis.

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The collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of the United States to dominance marked the start of a new era in international relations. The need to study accommodation as a security strategy in the developing world stemmed from this major development. In this context, this thesis attempts to add to the growing literature on accommodative strategies by analysing the dynamics of accommodation in protracted conflicts in the developing world. The specific case selected in the search for insights is the evolution of Syrian policy towards Israel in the post-Cold War era. Three instances of attempted accommodation are studied: the Madrid Peace Conference (1991), the Wye Talks (1995), and the Shepherdstown Talks (1999). This thesis argues that the main explanatory factors for accommodation in this case are to be found in the external politico-military sphere. On the objective level, the role of powerful third parties and the changes in the opponent's policies particularly stand out. On the subjective level, external politico-military concerns, in the desire to avoid potentially permanent losses, appear to be the prime generator of accommodative moves.

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Zugl.: Tübingen, Univ., Magisterarbeit

Zugl.: Hamburg, Univ., Diss., 2008