This thesis has two main themes: (1) values shift versus cultural particularity and (2) values and democracy. The Postmaterialist thesis and related theories of values shift presented by Ronald Inglehart and others assume that, as a consequence of industrialisation and post-industrialisation, people's values transform in such a way as to increase an emphasis on self-esteem, self-expression and other qualities. Individuals become increasingly capable, autonomous and inclined to public demands, which can be conducive to liberal democratic outcomes. In relation to these, the present study suggests that cultural particularity should be taken into consideration as a factor competing with that of values shift in terms of influence on people's attitudinal conditions. For individualism is often quoted as a core element of Western civilisation, which is not necessarily so in other cultural scenarios. With this enquiry, the study mainly concentrates on the analysis of the World Values Survey. Postmaterialist indexes are closely investigated by comparing the USA, Britain, Russia and Japan. The examination further incorporates broader regions: Western, Postcommunist and East Asian regions. The results indicate a certain validity in the cultural effect. This is especially the case with a Postmaterialist values item on 'freedom of speech', which contrasts with other Postmaterialist item: 'giving people more say in important government decisions'. Their implications for democracy are subsequently considered. These non-Western societies appear to exhibit certain weaknesses in the Postmaterialist transformation and its attitudinal efficacy for polyarchy-like democracy. The attention turns to gaps in perceptions of freedom between the USA, Russia and Japan, which could be applied to the trilateral regions. This national difference also seems to be present in the area of protest, notwithstanding the fact that there are some indications of values shift. Culture seems to matter on popular outlooks vis-à-vis the Postmaterialist effects. Multivariate analysis on this aspect endorses the same conclusion. The outcomes imply variation between the citizens of these societies in ways that they relate to government. The nations are compared with respect to the influences of liberal democratic attitudes on moderate protest and views of governance. After all, American (and probably British) individuals seem to be more compatible with public demands and participatory democracy than those in Russia and Japan. Western cultural emphasis on the particular quality of freedom could be favourable to Postmaterialist values as well as individual attitudes that call for responsive and accountable democracy.

From 1992 to 2003 the emergence of the urban resident Minimum Livelihood Guarantee (MLG) system saw a major reconfiguration and expansion of social assistance in the People's Republic of China (PRC). There are currently two gaps in current studies of the MLG which this dissertation will address. First, detailed historical information on the MLG is lacking in the English language. Second, the focus of current studies on the effectiveness of the MLG has led to an implicitly rational explanation for the emergence and development of the policy. Such an explanation does not provide a satisfactory explanation for the MLG. Using Chinese language sources and interview data collected during two field trips to the PRC this dissertation uses four different periods in the MLG's development to argue that that explaining the programme requires a more complex approach. Drawing on insights provided by the China studies and wider political science literature I argue that the development of the MLG system has been a complex process which can be explained by using a synthesis of concepts. These are the role played by policy sponsors, a new concept developed in the dissertation, and policy entrepreneurs. Second, the continued importance of the structure of the Chinese state. Finally, the influence of feedback from previous policy decisions and outcomes. These three concepts are used to examine four significant stages of the MLG programme's development. First, the often overlooked emergence of the first MLG programme in Shanghai between 1992 and 1993 is examined. Second, the MLG's shift from a local innovation to a national policy from 1994 to 1997 is investigated. Third, the factors behind the significant expansion of the MLG between 1999 and 2003 are contrasted with more low key developments in the scope and delivery of social assistance. Finally, the concepts developed and applied to the MLG are taken and used to explain the emergence and spread of the Community Public Service Agencies in Dalian. I conclude that the synthesis of the policy sponsor and neo-institutionalist concepts provide a richer explanation of the MLG than that implicit in the existing literature.

The main goal of this thesis is to explore how the encounters between public professionals and citizens affect the quality of participatory democracy. Participatory democracy was introduced as a radical alternative to representative democracy, but has often not lived up to its promises. Among the great variety of factors that have been found to matter, questions have arisen about the added value of public encounters: are problems and failures of participation because of or despite public professionals and citizens coming together? Despite a growing body of research on this subject, public encounters have so far not been adequately understood on their own terms. Building on recent contributions to the communicative turn in participatory democracy, this thesis develops a relational, situated, performative approach to analyze the communicative “in-between” of public professionals and citizens. In order to examine their communicative practices, a narrative analysis has been conducted of the stories public professionals and citizens tell about their daily experiences. Through a grounded theory process of analyzing 59 intensive interviews conducted in Glasgow, Amsterdam, and Bologna, the research formulated a theory of communicative capacity. The research shows that when public professionals and citizens meet, they develop and sustain dominant patterns of communication that limit their ability to solve local problems. Each case was characterized by a distinct communicative pattern, because local actors focused more on the substantive issues at hand rather than on the way they communicated about these. This was difficult to change because three inherent processes of participatory practice were drawing public professionals and citizens into dominant communicative patterns. Therefore, the thesis argues that the quality of participatory democracy depends on the communicative capacity of public professionals and citizens to recognize and break through these dominant patterns by constantly adapting the nature, tone, and conditions of their conversations to the situation at hand. The main contribution of this thesis is that it provides a more grounded and rounded understanding of the nature and importance of the communicative “in-between” (interaction or encounter) of public professionals and citizens for the quality of participatory democracy.

Background: Public health researchers and practitioners have repeatedly called for policy to be informed by academic evidence. The rise of the evidence-based medicine movement has demonstrated the potential benefits of using evidence for clinical decision-making. Recently, politicians and policy documents have echoed these calls for increased use of evidence in policymaking by drawing upon the discourse of evidence-based policy. However, efforts to understand the relationship between evidence and public health policy are underdeveloped and often make limited use of knowledge from other fields, including political science and sociology. This thesis aims to explore the relationship between evidence and public health policy in the UK using two contemporary case studies: the English public health White Paper, ‘Healthy Lives, Healthy People’; and the development of minimum unit pricing of alcohol in Scotland. Methods: The first case study: ‘Healthy Lives, Healthy People’ case study investigates the extent that three prominent discourses that draw upon academic work are reflected by the policy statements contained within the White Paper. The three areas examined include evidence on ‘what works’, the Nuffield framework on public health ethics and insights from behavioural science (‘nudge’). These discourses were chosen as they are not only rhetorically prominent in the White Paper, but also because they reflect the range of direct use of specific research findings and more conceptual use of research-derived ideas. To examine the extent that evidence on ‘what works’ has been incorporated into ‘Healthy Lives, Healthy People’, the research evidence for each of 51 specific policy actions described in the White Paper was reviewed. A critical analysis of ‘nudge’ and the Nuffield framework was conducted by contrasting their application with the authors’ original articulation. The second case study explores the development of the high-profile public health policy of minimum unit pricing of alcohol by drawing upon three different sources of data. First, a review of policy documents was conducted. Second, a systematic document analysis of evidence submissions that were received by the Scottish Parliament’s Health and Sport Committee in response to its consultation on minimum unit pricing was performed. This analysis drew specifically on a framework for analysing political argumentation. Third, 36 semi-structured interviews were carried out with a broad range of policy stakeholders. Interviewees were purposively chosen to obtain diversity in supportiveness for minimum unit pricing, as well as by professional position (academic, advocate, civil servant, politician, industry representative). The evidence submissions and interview data were thematically coded and organised using NVivo 9. Results: By systematically assessing the evidence underpinning the English public health White Paper, the study empirically established that public health policy does not meet conventional public health standards for being evidence-based. Similarly, the prominence of ‘nudge’ and the Nuffield framework in the text of ‘Healthy Lives, Healthy People’ do not appear to be matched by the actions suggested. However, this first case study finds that while evidence does have an influence, it does not determine policy. This relationship appears complex, partial and contingent rather than direct and instrumental, therefore necessitating a more detailed and focused case study. The second case study begins by providing a detailed description of the process by which minimum unit pricing developed in Scotland. It then draws on the analysis of evidence submission documents combined with interview data to identify a crucial role of public health advocates, who reframed the alcohol policy debate to bring about policy change. Epidemiological concepts were important in helping to achieve this shift in policy framing. Having investigated more conceptual influences of evidence, econometric modelling carried out by a team at the University of Sheffield is focused on as an example of a specific piece of research evidence that was perceived by interviewees to be influential in the policy debate. The different types of influence that the modelling study had on the policy process are determined and reasons for its influence investigated. The study also finds that interviewees believed econometric modelling could be more widely used to inform future public health policymaking. Lastly, a ‘multiple lenses’ approach builds upon these findings and political science theory to produce a comprehensive explanation of the policy process and describe the roles of evidence on the minimum unit pricing policy process. Discussion: Analysis of the ‘Healthy Lives, Healthy People’ White Paper shows that despite the prominent rhetoric for evidence-based policy, this is not reflected by the reality of current public health policy in the UK. The investigation of the development of minimum unit pricing of alcohol in Scotland demonstrates that evidence influences the policy process in a number of ways but these influences are heavily context-dependent. The role of evidence in changing the framing of the policy debate has been identified as of particular importance for this case study. The devolution process and evolving nature of political institutions also raises particular opportunities, but also challenges, for public health professionals. The strengths of the thesis include its use of two case studies to investigate the relationship between evidence and public health policy, the analysis of multiple sources of data in relation to minimum unit pricing policy and the application of political science theories that are typically underused in public health research. Limitations include the caution required when making generalisations from these data, particularly since these case studies have been purposively chosen. Drawing upon the two case studies, a conceptual model for the relationship between evidence and public health policy is articulated. The model suggests that evidence is likely to be used in different ways depending on the extent that the political values underpinning an issue are contested, with the importance of evidence for rhetorical purposes being a legitimate and helpful means of highlighting the health aspects of public policy issues. Lessons for public health researchers and practitioners, as well as directions for future research and theoretical implications, are considered and discussed.

This dissertation examines aspects of John Millar's philosophical history in order to provide grounds for a critical appraisal of the content of his contribution to social and historical science. Using Millar's published books and lectures in civil law as primary sources, it is suggested that Millar applied an empiricist method to the principles of jurisprudence. Millar shared this method with Hume and Smith. Implicit within the method was the abstraction of an ideal observer or spectator. This abstraction was derived from the use of an empiricist method to understand the operations of the minds of particular individual subjects on the pre-determined experience of immediate circumstances. The method assumed that the operations of subjects' minds on the objects of their experience included classification, comparison, generalisation, conjecture, inference, imaginative identification and experiment. Millar's method is therefore characterised as both conjectural and individualistic. Through a critique of Ronald Meek's seminal statements on Millar's materialism, certain issues are investigated for further critical appraisal. These include Millar's political economy, his conception of civil society, and his political theory. It is argued that Millar had a conception of generalised commodity production and exchange; that this conception was derived from the assumption that subjects are self-interest; and that the latter assumption was necessary to explain the origins, emergence and development of civil and political society. Millar assumed that individuals' pursuit of self-interested goals gave rise to ideas of positive law, freely alienable property, different distributions of property, and feelings of liberty. It is suggested that Millar's theorisation of the effect of the latter on forms of government is derived from a combined use of Smith's principles of authority and utility with Hume's commercialised Harringtonianism.

This thesis asks whether the internet can at all re-configure political participation into a more inclusive experience for disabled users, enhancing their stakes in citizenship. This issue assumes particular relevance at a time in which, amidst the worst economic crisis in decades, the rights of those traditionally excluded from civic life are at risk of being compromised even further. In an effort to transcend the restrictive access/accessibility framework applied so far in disability and new media research, this project focused on the “digitalisation” of disability activism in the wake of the radical welfare reform introduced by the UK government between 2010 and 2012. A combination of emerging digital methods and established social science techniques were employed to map and analyse the groups involved in opposing proposed changes to disability welfare online. These included: hyperlink network analysis; an “inventory” of online media; content analysis of Facebook conversations; and semi-structured interviews with key figures from a variety of campaigning groups. Overall, this work exposed an evolution in the ecology of British disability activism involving both changes in the way in which existing organisations operate as well as the emergence of new, online-based players. In particular, three main group types were identified. These included: formal disability organisations (both “professionalised” charities and member-led groups); experienced disabled activists who experimented with e-campaigning for the first time; and a network of young disabled bloggers-turned-activists who operated exclusively online and rapidly gained visibility on both the internet and traditional mass media (i.e. print and broadcast). Each of these phenomena was explored in detail through the analysis of three emblematic case studies (The Hardest Hit; Disabled People Against Cuts; The Broken of Britain). Several findings emerged that invited reflections on both the changing nature of disability activism in the digital age and the significance of the internet as a civic resource for disadvantaged groups more broadly. To assess the influence of contextual factors on these trends, the online experience of British formal disability organisations was compared to that of their American counterparts, which in the same period were opposing proposals for drastic cuts to federal Medicaid funding. In Britain, established players were found to be blending traditional repertoires with participatory online tools in a bid to “survive” the pressure of changing user-expectations and the fast pace of contemporary politics. Meanwhile, a new generation of self-appointed disabled “leaders” used online media to construct a radically different form of disability activism. This was focused more on issues than ideology, aspiring to redesigning protest in a less contentious and arguably more effective fashion. Nevertheless, the high centralisation and rigid leadership style adopted by these very same campaigners also cast doubts on their ability to promote a more inclusive campaigning experience for online supporters, whose involvement ultimately constituted a form of “peer-mediated” citizenship rather than direct empowerment. At the same time, the comparative part of this study captured a counter-intuitive picture for which British formal disability organisations were ahead of their American counterparts in terms of online innovation. This generated some important reflections on the very nature of “context” in online politics with particular reference to the relationship between systemic and circumstantial factors, as well as the importance of acute crisis moments as triggers of progress in e-activism.

La vigne (Vitis vinifera) est sensible à de nombreuses maladies, nécessitant l'utilisation massive de produits phytosanitaires. Des méthodes alternatives doivent être développées. Chez la plante modèle Arabidopsis thaliana, les gènes AtNPR1, AtNDR1 et AtEDS1 interviennent dans la voie de signalisation contrôlée par l'acide salicylique (SA) en réponse aux agents pathogènes biotrophes. Nous avons identifié par une approche gène candidat chez V. vinifera, de potentiels orthologues de ces trois gènes (VvNPR1.1, VvNPR1.2, VvNHL1 et VvEDS1).Nos travaux ont montré que les protéines VvNPR1 fusionnées à la GFP sont localisées dans le noyau. De plus, la surexpression transitoire des VvNPR1 stimule l'expression de gènes de défense en système hétérologue et homologue. La surexpression de VvNPR1.1 chez le mutant npr1 restaure les différents phénotypes du mutant, contrairement à la surexpression de VvNPR1.2. VvNPR1.1 est semble être l'orthologue d'AtNPR1. La surexpression de VvNHL 1 chez le mutant ndr1 ne rétablit pas la résistance à Pseudomonas syringae. Cependant, ces plantes sont plus sensibles à Botrytis cinerea, probablement par l'accentuation d'un processus de mort cellulaire. L'expression de VvNHL 1 est réprimée en réponse à B. cinerea, constituant un mécanisme de défense contre les nécrotrophes. VvNHL1 semble donc promouvoir la mort cellulaire. L'expression de VvEDS1 est stimulée en réponse à des agents pathogènes et à un traitement par le SA. L'étude de sa fonction est en cours par surexpression chez des mutants eds1. La compréhension des voies de signalisation des réponses de défense chez la vigne devrait permettre l'obtention de vignes plus résistantes aux agents pathogènes. / Vitis vinifera is susceptible to many pathogens, thus requiring a massive use of phytochemicals. Alternative methods have to be developed. In the madel plant Arabidopsis thaliana, the AtNPR1, AtNDR1 and AtEDS1 genes are components of the salicylic acid (SA) signalling pathway involved in resistance to biotrophic pathogens. Using a candidate gene approach, we have identified putative orthologs of these genes in the grapevine genome (VvNPR1.1, VvNPR1.2, VvNHL 1 and VvEDS1).Our work shows thal VvNPR1-GFP fusion proteins are localized in the nucleus. Moreover, transient overexpression of VvNPR1 genes induces defence gene expression, in bath heterologous and homologous systems. Overexpression of VvNPR1.1 in npr1 mutants restores the different phenotypes of the mutants, while VvNPR1.2 overexpression does not. These results strongly suggest that VvNPR1.1 is the AtNPR1 ortholog. Overexpression of VvNHL 1 in ndr1 mutants does not restore resistance to Pseudomonas syringae. However, resistance to Botrytis cinerea in these plants is weakened, probably because of stimulation of cell death. Furthermore, VvNHL1 repression following B. cinerea infection in V. vinifera could be considered as a defence mechanism against necrotrophic pathogens and suggests thal VvNHL1 is involved in promotion of cell death. VvEDS1 expression is induced by pathogens infection and SA treatment. VvEDS1 functional characterization is in progress using eds1 Arabidopsis mutants overexpressing VvEDS1. Knowledge of defence signalling pathways in V. vinifera will contribute to obtain pathogen resistant grapevines.

This thesis is chiefly concerned with understanding the reasons behind British foreign policy towards Palestine between the invasion in December 1917 and final withdrawal in May 1948. It applies Poliheuristic Decision (Ph) Theory to British Cabinet decision-making at four critical junctures in foreign policy decision-making during this time period, arguing that contrary to the established literature on Mandate Palestine, British Cabinet policy reflected a stark lack of viable alternatives that left little room for consideration of personal biases, allegiances or sentimental attachment to either Zionism or Arab nationalism during the decision-making process. This reveals how crucial decisions concerning the future of Palestine were frequently more concerned with fighting narrow, domestic or broader, international political battles than preventing or dealing with a burgeoning conflict in a tiny strip of land on the Mediterranean. In so doing, this thesis aims to elucidate previously neglected areas of the British Mandate for Palestine as well as highlight some of the problems with Ph theory as a bridging framework between Rational Choice and cognitive models, while contributing new and innovative case studies to the field of Foreign Policy Analysis.

This thesis conducts an in-depth empirical analysis of the way in which energy was constructed as a security issue in the United States and China between 2004 and 2012. The core argument is that energy security is contested: it means different things to different people in different contexts. State energy security discourse and practice in both states constructed energy largely as a national security issue, emphasising the need to secure the state in economic and/or strategic terms by providing secure energy supplies at stable prices. This is found to be problematic and ‘negative’, as encouraging competition over finite fuels perpetuates insecurity for states, and fails to secure human beings and the environment. Thus, it does not produce security. However, there are a number of competing marginalised energy security constructions, which forward a more ‘positive’ notion of energy security – emphasising sustainability and human welfare. By illustrating the contested nature of energy security, this thesis contributes the first in-depth critical empirical analysis of energy security constructions. It thus brings together insights from critical approaches to security with the empirical area of energy security to understand how energy security is constructed, while raising important theoretical questions about the importance of context for understanding the value of security and the potential for moving towards more ‘positive’ energy security discourse and practice.

Asking the question ‘why do ideas catch on in public policy’ reveals the inadequacy of ideational accounts to compete with the predominance of mainstream models of policy analysis. This thesis reasserts ideational accounts through the application of the political discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. The approach posits ideas as demands operating in governing discourses and understands how general equivalent demands then become empty signifiers. This thesis develops current understanding on how general equivalents and empty signifiers function through an application to urban governance. It develops a qualitative account of governing in Birmingham using interviews between 2003-2005, and documents and media archives from the past twenty years. The thesis examines how mainstream ideational, rational, institutional and interpretative accounts understand the emergence of policy ideas and their role in coalitions, policy change and agency of actors. Discourse theory is revealed as a comprehensive approach for understanding these questions of ideas. The thesis develops a framework for the empirical application of discourse theory in Birmingham, exploring the relationship between two taken-for-granted governing discourses: renaissance and size. It shows how actors were motivated to reiterate and protect discourses from dislocation with development of the empty signifier of ‘flourishing neighbourhoods’. The thesis traces the credibility and emergence of flourishing neighbourhoods and contributes to a research agenda around hegemonic policy analysis.