In March, 1990, I was hired to teach English in Japan at a small, private academy in Chitose, Hokkaido. The school was called the Academy of Clark's Spirit. My first day at work I was asked by my boss, Sato Masako: "So Mr. Walker, of course you know who Dr. Clark is?" I told Mr. Sato that I was sorry, but that I did not. "You said in your resume that you are a history student? We named this school after him. He's one of the most important people in Hokkaido's history," he said, looking disappointed. Mr. Sato explained that he wanted me to teach with the spirit of Clark in mind and bring to his classrooms what Clark brought to Hokkaido over a hundred years before. I nodded and asked to see my apartment. I began this study of William Smith Clark after my first stay in Hokkaido. It is the product of my interest in modern Japanese history, particularly Japan's relationship with the United States. The first leg of this project was started in Amherst, Massachusetts, where I met with Dr. John Maki. He directed me through the Clark collection at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst. I had several interviews with Maki during the week I was in Massachusetts and was given liberal access to the Clark collection under his influence. The second leg of my study was continued in Sapporo, Hokkaido. I met with Dr. Toshiyuki Akizuki at Hokkaido University and was shown through the Clark collection there. I lived in Hokkaido for about two years and have kept notes on the tribute paid to Clark and visible signs of his impact on the northern island. The focus of this study is to look at Clark's contribution to the development of Hokkaido by detailing his work in education, Christianity, and agriculture. By focusing on Clark's particular contribution to Hokkaido a larger historical trend, that is, the importation of foreign ideas in the history of Meiji Japan, is better understood. ~he results of this study conclude that Clark was an important figure in the history of Hokkaido's settlement, and to the development of nineteenth century Japan.,. ,Clark was also an important figure in the history of the relations between Japan and the United states., It is in lasting institutions like Hokkaido University and the Sapporo Independent Christian Church where Clark's impact is best illustrated. These institutions, particularly the university, were the nerve centers for Hokkaido's development, and Clark planted these seeds of enlightenment, under the direction of the Meiji government, in the fertile northern soil. I have gained a better understanding of Clark's stay in Hokkaido because of this project, but doubt that I could even now satisfy Mr. Sato's insistence that I teach with Clark's spirit. I do understand, however, why it was important to Mr. Sato that I try. Clark's phrase "Boys Be Ambitious" still embodies the spirit of many educators in Hokkaido and his success with Japanese students is one of the better examples of international exchange in any country. Clark is cherished by the people of Hokkaido as the spiritual pioneer of their island even though his stay

No description available.

I offer evidence from a variety of fields in order to strengthen the hypothesis that Japonic and Korean are linguistically genetically related to one another. Non-linguistic evidence supports the hypothesis that the Japonic language was introduced into the Japanese Archipelago approximately 2,500 years ago over a thousand year period, where a culturally and technologically advanced group began migrating into the Japanese Archipelago from the Korean Peninsula through Northern Kyushu. A constant and steady influx of Continental culture, language, and people, resulted in the near-complete extinction of the original language. The linguistic evidence comes from Middle Korean texts, written in the Silla-descended language of the 15th century-the kingdom that overwhelmed the Puyo, Koguryo, and Paekche territory and languages, thought to be more closely related to Japonic-and 8th century Old Japanese texts. I hypothesize that there were two "thalossocracies": one with lzumo and Silla, and the second with Yamato and Paekche/Kaya Japonic elements were incorporated into the Silla language when Silla folded Kaya and Paekche into the new kingdom. In the same way, Yamato incorporated Silla-type elements into itself when Yamato overtook Izumo. I introduce evidence that supports Serafim's Labiovelar hypothesis; i.e. MK k : OJ p, reconstructing PKJ *kw1. I also found a "reverse" correspondence set: that is, MKp : OJ k, for which I reconstruct *kw2. I hypothesize that this reverse correspondence is due to dialect borrowing. When Silla conquered the Korean Peninsula, it incorporated into itself Kaya, Paekche, and Koguryo, which were closer in genetic relationship to Japonic, and therefore would have (*kw > ) p. As these three languages were overcome, dialect borrowing likely occurred, which means that words with p instead of (*kw > ) k were borrowed into Silla, sometimes replacing and sometimes forming doublets with words retaining k. The second posited case of dialect borrowing occurred when Yamato overtook lzumo; since Silla had close contact with lzumo, words with (*kw > ) k were borrowed into Yamato, replacing, and sometimes forming doublets with, some words with p. Further research will surely lead to more understanding of the measurable effects of dialect borrowing and Proto-Koreo-Japonic. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2003. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 235-243). / Electronic reproduction. / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / vii, 246 leaves, bound 29 cm

This dissertation examines the link between anarchism and agrarian thought in modern Japan through the investigation of the life and ideas of radical intellectual Ishikawa Sanshiro (1876-1956). I track its emergence from the time of Ishikawa's involvement in the socialist movement in the early 1900s to its development during his exile years in Europe between 1913 and 1920 and then after his return home through to the end of the Pacific War. I show how concern for the traditions and condition of farming communities informed a certain strand of non-violent anarchism premised on environmental awareness and cooperative principles fostered through the practices of everyday life. By rescuing from near historiographical oblivion a major dissenting figure of modern Japan, this study gives prominence to a distinctive anarchist intellectual contribution. I examine both the theoretical premises and related socio-political applications, highlighting Ishikawa's role for over five decades as a creative force of social change and a bulwark against authoritarianism. Thus, this work puts forward a more nuanced understanding of the movement of popular agrarianism that marked the interwar period, often pigeon-holed by historians as an adjunct of radical nationalism. I also probe the ecological critique embedded in Ishikawa's vision of the man-nature interaction, which remained vital over the decades and has direct relevance to presentday concerns. The tracing of Ishikawa's connections, both transnational and within Japan, provides the main methodological axis of this study. It appraises dissenting politics through the lens of actual praxis rather than categorization of ideological differences. Likewise, transnational connections are given agency as a mutually creative process rather than as a unidirectional transmission of ideas and values from West to East.

This thesis explores the history of Christianity and conversion to it in 16th and 17th Century Japan. It argues that conversion is a complex phenomenon which happened for a variety of reasons. Furthermore, it argues that due to the political context and limitations acting upon the mission, the majority of conversions in 16th and 17th Century Japan lacked an element of epistemological change (classically understood). The first chapter explores theories of conversion suggesting that conversion in 16th and 17th Century Japan included sorts of religious change not usually encapsulated in the term conversion including adhesion, communal and forced conversion. Moreover, it argues that contextual factors are the most important factors in religious change. The second chapter explores political context contending that it was the political environment of Japan that ultimately decided whether conversion was possible. This chapter charts the evolution of the Japanese context as it became more hostile toward Christianity. In the third chapter, the context of the mission is explored. It is argued that limitations acting upon the mission shaped post-conversion faith, so that changes to practice and ritual rather than belief became the mark of a successful conversion. The fourth chapter explores methods of conversion, the factors influencing it, and post-conversion faith more directly. It argues that Christianity spread primarily through social networks, but that conversion was also influenced by economic incentive, other realworld benefits, and Christianity's perceived efficacy. Building on Chapter Three, the final chapter also seeks to illustrate that the missionaries were not successful in their attempts to spur epistemological change or instil a detailed knowledge of theology or doctrine amongst their converts.

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1986 M63 / Master of Arts / History

方敏瑜. / "2006年9月" / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(leaves 156-163). / "2006 nian 9 yue" / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Fang Minyu. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 156-163). / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Chapter 第一章： --- 緒論 --- p.1 / 硏究簡介 --- p.1 / 香港漫畫簡況與日本愛情漫畫分類 --- p.3 / 硏究意義 --- p.5 / 論文結構 --- p.6 / Chapter 第二章： --- 理論基礎 --- p.8 / 文獻回顧 --- p.8 / 硏究問題 --- p.25 / 硏究方法 --- p.27 / Chapter 第三章: --- 社會處境分析 --- p.33 / 日本與香港漫畫發展 --- p.33 / 日本文化之跨境傳入 --- p.39 / Chapter 第四章： --- 日本愛情漫畫文本分析 --- p.49 / 故事內容分析 / Chapter 1. --- 故事結構 --- p.49 / Chapter 2. --- 故事劇情 --- p.55 / Chapter 3. --- 心理分析 --- p.61 / Chapter 4. --- 結局分析 --- p.63 / 人物分析 --- p.64 / 愛情觀分析 --- p.74 / Chapter 第五章： --- 漫畫使用及訊息接收 --- p.89 / 漫畫文本使用 --- p.89 / 漫畫意識形態的影響與接收 --- p.103 / 漫畫閱讀與論述角力 --- p.114 / Chapter 第六章： --- 個案硏究 --- p.123 / 傳媒的男男漫畫論述 --- p.124 / 男男文化的協商「抗衡」 --- p.133 / Chapter 第七章： --- 總結 --- p.140 / 核心發現 --- p.140 / 反思與討論 --- p.149 / 限制和展望 --- p.151 / 附件 / 表一 受訪者基本資料 --- p.153 / 表二 漫畫文本基本資料 --- p.155 / 參考 --- p.156

This study explores some of the urban visions inherent in Japanese colonial modernity in Manchuria and how they represented important aspects of the self-consciously modernizing Japanese state. Perceiving the northeastern Chinese city of Changchun as a tabula rasa upon which to erect new and sweeping conceptions of the built environment, Japanese used the city as a practical laboratory to create two distinct and idealized urban milieus, each appropriate to a particular era. From 1905 to 1932 Changchun served as a key railway town through which the Japanese orchestrated informal empire; between 1932 and 1945 the city became home to a grandiose, new Asian capital. Yet while the facades the town and later the capital—as well as the attitudes of the state they upheld—contrasted markedly, the shifting styles of planning and architecture consistently attempted to represent Japanese rule as progressive, beneficent, and modern. More than an attempt to legitimize empire through paternalistic care, however, Japanese perceptions of these built environments demonstrate deeper significance. Although Japanese intended Changchun's two built environments to appeal to subject populations, more fundamentally they were designed to appeal to Japanese sensibilities in order to effect change in Japan itself. Imperialism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries involved policies of dominance and exploitation that included a range of endeavors central to the creation of contemporary societies. It is in part because Japanese believed they were acting progressively in places like Changchun that many Japanese in the postwar era have had difficulty acknowledging the entirety of Japanese activities on the mainland in the first half of the twentieth century.

viii, 111 p. : ill. (some col.) / During the early stage of Japan's High Economic Growth Period (1955-1970), a group of directors and films, labeled the Japanese New Wave, emerged to strong critical acclaim and scholarly pursuit. Over time, Japanese New Wave Cinema has come to occupy a central position within the narrative history of Japanese film studies. This position has helped introduce many significant films while inadvertently ostracizing or ignoring the much broader landscape of film at this time. This thesis seeks to complexify the New Wave's central position through the career of Daiei Studios' director, Masumura Yasuzo. Masumura signifies a "space in-between" the cultural elite represented by the New Wave and the box office focus of mass culture cinema. Utilizing available English language and rare Japanese sources, this thesis will re-examine Masumura's position on the periphery of film studies while highlighting the larger film environment of this dynamic period. / Committee in charge: Prof. Steven Brown, Chair; Dr. Daisuke Miyao, Advisor

The intent of this study is to examine the trajectory of ideology regarding standard Japanese and dialects from the historical perspective, and also to discuss the cause of the post-war shift of the ideology. Before the war, the government attempted to disseminate hyojun-go aiming at creating a unified Japan in the time when many countries were developing to be nation states after industrial revolution. After the Pacific war, the less strict-sounding term kyotsu-go was more often used, conveying an ideology of democratization. Yet despite the difference in the terms, speaking a common language continues to play a role of unifying the country. Today there is great interest in regional dialects in Japan. Although kyotsu-go is the common language, most people, especially in urban areas, are familiar with (if not fluent in) kyotsu-go. Due to the development of media and mobilization there are few people who cannot understand kyotsu-go. However, until around the 1970s people were more likely to believe in the superiority of standard Japanese (hyojun-go). Standard language was believed to be superior as a result of language policy that had its origins in Meiji and lasted through WWII. This included education policy that required school children to learn hyojun-go. After the war, in a process of democratization there emerged greater acceptance of language variety: dialect. Thus, there has been a shift in language ideology in Japan, and the people's interests in dialects is one indicator of this. This shift is analyzed here from the perspective of Bourdieu's notion of social and linguistic capital, tying it to policy, historical events and societal change.