Spelling suggestions: "subject:"chinarelations"" "subject:"functionalrelations""
1 |
小泉時代日中關係之研究 / A Study on Japan-China Relations in the Koizumi Era林思瑩, Lin, Shih-Ying Unknown Date (has links)
冷戰結束以來,兩極體系的瓦解使得東亞地區發生權力變化,為爭奪區域領導權,各國無不摩拳擦掌,其中尤以日本與中國兩國的競爭最為白熱化,兩國關係的發展也因而受到注目。日中兩國關係在1990年代歷經了初期的友好、中期的惡化與末期的低潮之後,進入二十一世紀,兩國關係已然走到關鍵的十字路口。2001年4月小泉純一郎以改革形象,挾前所未見的高人氣入主首相官邸,一上任即面臨受歷史教科書、李登輝訪日以及農產品貿易糾紛而陷入緊張的日中關係,再加上小泉首相面臨的是近兩百年來未見的崛起的中國,如何處理日中關係成為其任內的一大考驗。更重要的是,日中這東亞兩大國的互動,是合作抑或競爭,是否能破除「一山不容二虎」的迷思,都將大大影響東亞地區的未來,對身處東亞地區且正好鄰近此兩大國的我國來說,亦將是非常值得觀察的發展。 / 本文一開始首先簡單介紹從冷戰結束後到小泉首相上任之前,日中關係的大致發展,作為背景說明,其次則闡明本論文的研究動機與目的、研究範圍與限制、文獻回顧以及論文架構安排。第二章則介紹小泉時期的日本外交政策,提出五組決策者信念體系與其實際決策間的關聯因素作為分析架構,首先介紹小泉首相是如何看待現今的國際與區域情勢,以及因此衍生出來小泉的對外政策特徵,與傳統日本對外政策有何異同。第三章介紹自2001年4月小泉首相上台後日中關係的發展情況,以時間發展先後為本章的撰寫主軸,將小泉首相在位期間所發生對日本外交政策與日中關係有重大影響的四項重大國際事件(2001年9月的911事件、2002年10月的第二次北韓核武危機、2003年3月的伊拉克戰爭以及2005年12月的東亞高峰會)作為分斷點,並介紹此四項重大國際事件對日本外交政策的影響,以及該項日本外交政策的改變對於日中關係的影響。第四章分析小泉時期影響日中關係變化的發展因素,將小泉時期影響日中關係發展的重要正面因素分為經貿投資、在區域及國際性問題的合作以及政府開發援助(Official Development Assistance, ODA)三項。第五章分析小泉時期影響日中關係變化的衝突因素,將小泉時期影響日中關係發展的重要負面因素分為歷史與民族主義、領土、台灣、安全以及經濟與能源等五項。最後為結論,綜合以上各章節,歸納出小泉時期整體日中關係的情況與小泉上台對日中關係的影響及其原因,並以此為基礎,嘗試推測在「小泉後」的新政府時期,日中關係可能的發展走勢與變化。 / The purpose of this study was to explore the relations between two East Asian great powers, Japan and China, during Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro’s tenure. After the Cold War, the two powers have had encountered a period of changing relationship in the 1990s – from honeymoon to a series of quarrels. Under the situation of the power vacuum and power shift happened in the East Asian region, Japan and China have clashed fiercely in the process of competing for regional leadership. Now at the beginning of the 21th Century, Japan-China relations are at a crossroad, and here comes Koizumi who just got the power to lead Japan toward the new century. The atmosphere between Japan and China in the Koizumi era may have a great effect not only on the future of Japan-China relations but also on the future of the whole region, even the whole world. As a member of the East Asian region, there should be great interests for us in studying this theme, and getting to know how to deal with these two great powers on the basis of our own national interests. / The first part of this thesis composes research motives, purposes, scopes, limits, methods and literature review, and also provides the background of Japan-China relations in the 1990s. Chapter two focuses on Japan’s Foreign Policy under the Koizumi government, and analyzes the Prime Minister’s viewpoint on the nature of today’s international system and understands his foreign policy and China policy. Chapter three introduces the details between Japan and China interactions during the tenure of Koizumi. While Chapter four and five analyzes respectively the factors which foster or impede the development of Japan-China relations. In the last chapter, I reach the conclusion and find out the fundamental reason behind the deterioration of Japan-China relations in the Koizumi era, and then try further to predict the possible future development of Japan-China relations under the new Abe government.
|
2 |
日本的開發援助與中國的經濟發展 / Japanese official development assistance and China's economic development黃翠雪, Hwang, Tracy S. Unknown Date (has links)
日本從1979年開始對中國實施政府開發援助至2009年,金額累計達209.77億美元,占所有對中國援助國家資金的60%以上,日本為對中國的最大援助國,中國也是日本對外援助的第二大受援國(僅次於印尼)。在日本援助投入的建設比較有代表性為:京秦鐵路、南昆鐵路、北京市地鐵、北京首都機場、上海浦東機場、武漢長江第二大橋、北京市污水處理廠、環境示範城市(重慶、大連、貴州)等。
本文發現,日本的援助理念與歐美各國不太一樣,美國的援助是以安全保障及戰略為考量為主,對中東許多國家來進行軍事援助,一旦這些受援國家發生政變,即自動立刻停止援助。英、法兩國的援助則偏向由以前殖民從屬的關係上來考量。日本的援助理念主要著眼於人道立場的考量及各國相互依存的關係。日圓貸款開始是以公共工程基礎建設為主,尤其以鐵路、港口等運輸設施為多,其次為能源、 農業、通信等,而且不同於日本對其他國家之日圓貸款以每年審核為主,日本對中國之日圓貸款則是一次決定多年間之貸放金額。到2000年開始受到日本本身政黨輪替,以及中國發展軍事等因素影響,轉而偏向幫助中國解決中西部地區的環保以及農業問題。
對中國經濟發展方面來看,日本對中國提供政府開發援助,有助於促進中國的經濟發展、對外開放、及改善投資環境。特別是在能源、資源等的基礎產業、交通、通訊、運輸及環境保護方面等的大部分大型建設計畫,都是援助的項目,同時日圓貸款更是中國經濟建設不可或缺的重要資金來源。對日本在東亞國際政治經濟發展而言,日本對中國開發援助,不但有利於日本企業的商品在中國進出,間接促進日本企業對中國投資,加深中日兩國經濟互動,也同時促進兩國之間的民間交流,改善兩國的政治關係。 / The Japanese government began to provide Official Development Assistance (ODA) to China in 1979. By 2009, Japan had given China a cumulative total of US$20,977 million in ODA, accounting for over 60% of all ODA received by China from other countries during this period, making Japan China’s largest source of foreign aid. Japan has given more ODA to China than to any other foreign country except Indonesia.
The present study shows that Japan’s attitude towards foreign aid is significantly different from that displayed by the U.S. or the European nations. The selection of recipients of foreign aid by the U.S. government is mainly motivated by strategic and security considerations. For example, many countries in the Middle East have received U.S. aid at one time or another, but a regime change in a recipient nation can lead to the cessation of U.S. aid. Foreign aid granted by the U.K. and France tends to be directed towards countries that were formerly British or French colonies. By contrast, the main focus in Japan’s ODA policy appears to be on humanitarian issues and on the granting of aid to countries with which Japan has a mutually beneficial relationship.
Japan’s provision of ODA to China helped to stimulate economic growth in China, encouraged China to open up more to the outside world, and contributed to the improvement in the investment environment in China. A high percentage of large-scale infrastructure projects in China – particularly in “basic industries” such as energy and natural resource extraction, but also in the transportation, communications, transportation and environmental sectors – have benefited from Japanese ODA, while Yen-denominated loans constituted a vital source of funding for China’s economic construction. From Japan’s point of view, the granting of ODA to China by Japan not only helped to facilitate Japanese exports to (and imports from) China, indirectly encourage Japanese firms to invest in China, and strengthen bilateral economic ties between Japan and China, it also served to promote an intensification of interchange between the two countries’ citizens, and to bring about an improvement in bilateral relations at the governmental level.
|
3 |
Japan's Article 9 and Japanese Public Opinion: Implications for Japanese Defense Policy and Security in the Asia PacificTollefson, Julie Jo 01 June 2018 (has links)
No description available.
|
Page generated in 0.1248 seconds