The decade between the release of Canada’s 1994 Defence White Paper and its 2005 International Policy Statement was a period of crisis within the Canadian Forces (CF). The CF’s operational tempo increased significantly even as the defence budget was cut by a quarter. Defence issues were perceived to have very little profile in Ottawa., and military officers felt their concerns were not being heard. Despite rapid changes in the global security environment, dramatic budget cuts and frequent deployments, the CF was given no overarching policy direction from government. However, as one officer remarked, the CF gradually learned to survive in the absence of political guidance -- Indeed, “we have provided our own guidance.” This paper will examine how the CF adapted in the absence of strategic direction from government. It will focus particular attention on the adoption of capabilities-based planning as a decisional methodology for resource allocation and mitigating risk. This paper is based on a series of interviews with senior military officers and civilian officials at the Department of National Defence (conducted by Dr. Cohn Campbell in 2004 and 2005), and a reading of the relevant literature on Canadian defence policy and strategic planning.

The decade between the release of Canada’s 1994 Defence White Paper and its 2005 International Policy Statement was a period of crisis within the Canadian Forces (CF). The CF’s operational tempo increased significantly even as the defence budget was cut by a quarter. Defence issues were perceived to have very little profile in Ottawa., and military officers felt their concerns were not being heard. Despite rapid changes in the global security environment, dramatic budget cuts and frequent deployments, the CF was given no overarching policy direction from government. However, as one officer remarked, the CF gradually learned to survive in the absence of political guidance -- Indeed, “we have provided our own guidance.” This paper will examine how the CF adapted in the absence of strategic direction from government. It will focus particular attention on the adoption of capabilities-based planning as a decisional methodology for resource allocation and mitigating risk. This paper is based on a series of interviews with senior military officers and civilian officials at the Department of National Defence (conducted by Dr. Cohn Campbell in 2004 and 2005), and a reading of the relevant literature on Canadian defence policy and strategic planning.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe, Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009. / Thesis Advisor(s): Yost, David S. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 23, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Human Security, European Union, European Security and Defense Policy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 45-48). Also available in print.

The decade between the release of Canada’s 1994 Defence White Paper and its 2005 International Policy Statement was a period of crisis within the Canadian Forces (CF). The CF’s operational tempo increased significantly even as the defence budget was cut by a quarter. Defence issues were perceived to have very little profile in Ottawa., and military officers felt their concerns were not being heard. Despite rapid changes in the global security environment, dramatic budget cuts and frequent deployments, the CF was given no overarching policy direction from government. However, as one officer remarked, the CF gradually learned to survive in the absence of political guidance -- Indeed, “we have provided our own guidance.” This paper will examine how the CF adapted in the absence of strategic direction from government. It will focus particular attention on the adoption of capabilities-based planning as a decisional methodology for resource allocation and mitigating risk. This paper is based on a series of interviews with senior military officers and civilian officials at the Department of National Defence (conducted by Dr. Cohn Campbell in 2004 and 2005), and a reading of the relevant literature on Canadian defence policy and strategic planning. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The nuclear age provided U.S. soldiers and statesmen with unprecedented challenges. the U.S. military had to incorporate a weapon into strategic calculations without knowing whether the use of the weapon would be approved. Broad considerations of policy led President Dwight Eisenhower to formulate a policy that relied on nuclear weapons while fully realizing their destructive potential. Despite the belief that possession of nuclear weapons provided strategic superiority, the U.S. realized that such weapons were of little value. This realization did not stop planners from attempting to find ways to use nuclear weapons in Korea and Indochina.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010. / Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald ; Rogalski, Dirk (German Air Force, Visiting Lecturer). "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Civil-military relations, European Union, Innere Fuehrung, European Security and Defense Policy, ESDP, Common Security and Defense Policy, CSDP, citizen in uniform, EU Military Integration. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-69). Also available in print.

After the introduction of the cargo container and related automation systems in the late 1950s, the numbers of maritime laborers who worked along the piers and aboard ship along American waterways steadily declined. In the late 1950s, tens of thousands of longshoremen and merchant mariners plied their respective trades, but the process of “containerization” reduced their numbers by nearly 70 percent by the late 1980s and early 1990s. The Department of Defense (DoD) similarly containerized and automated its cargo handling during this era. The introduction of the container also had negative consequences for defense maritime policy. Containerization of the National Security Waterfront represented but one decision of many at the Department of Defense to replace laborers and other personnel with automation and privatization. During the Cold War, privatization evolved into contracting corporations for numerous aspects of government operations, including at the DoD. Beginning in the early 1960s, the DoD investigated how best to maximize budgets that were coming under strain from growing Cold War military commitments. Over the course of the following three decades, the DoD adopted containerization for nearly every aspect of its maritime logistics operations. By the 1990s, automation had decimated maritime communities and the DoD’s maritime logistics network.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre_Arienti_Ramos.pdf: 1529221 bytes, checksum: 992da8fa9b8d86aef19051ab09465cbb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-01-30 / This study deals with policies concerning Brazilian War Industries in the years 2003-2013, chaired by PT. In order to do so, it also analyzes Defense Policies in broad terms. Furthermore, we investigate the actions of the sector in order to promote its project through the participation of its intellectuals in forums and government committees. We also try to understand the organization of a certain discourse of the industrial sector in the press. In summary, we could observe that fractions of the War Industries have been successful in setting the agenda of policies for the sector, getting a number of benefits in tax, regulatory and protectionist terms. They also managed to make his project the majoritarian one for War Industries, regarding the format of private enterprises. In addition to analyzing the Political Defense, especially the ones focused on the War Industry, we performed a set of case studies of equipment purchasing programs by the Brazilian Armed Forces with the intent of understanding the real sense of the effective application of the policies listed. Through the contrast between political discourse and the real exercise of purchasing policies, we perceive a certain disharmony. If, on one hand, the discourse is based on nationalist arguments and promote autonomous development of technologies, the reality was marked by a process of denationalization of these sectors of the Brazilian War Industries through a subordinate integration to the international giants of War Industry / O presente trabalho trata das Políticas referentes à Indústria Bélica brasileira nos anos de 2003-2013, de presidência petista. Para tanto são analisadas também as Políticas de Defesa em termos amplos. Além disso, investigamos a atuação do setor no sentido de promover seu projeto por meio da participação de seus intelectuais em fóruns e comissões governamentais. Também buscamos perceber a articulação do discurso do setor industrial na imprensa. Em síntese, conseguimos constatar como frações da Indústria Bélica foram bem sucedidas em estabelecer a pauta das Políticas para o setor, conquistando um conjunto de benefícios, fiscais, regulatórios e protecionistas. Ainda conseguiram tornar majoritário seu projeto de Indústria Bélica, quanto ao formato privado dos empreendimentos. Além da análise das Políticas de Defesa, especialmente as voltadas para a indústria, realizamos um conjunto de estudos de casos de programas de aquisição de equipamentos pelas Forças Armadas brasileiras, com a intenção de entender os reais sentidos da aplicação efetiva das políticas elencadas. Da contraposição entre o discurso político e o exercício real das políticas de aquisição, percebemos certo descompasso. Enquanto que o discurso se fundamenta em argumentos nacionalistas e de desenvolvimento autônomo de tecnologias, a realidade foi marcada por um relativo processo de desnacionalização de setores da Indústria Bélica brasileira, por meio de uma integração tecnológica e financeiramente subalterna às gigantes internacionais do setor bélico

Swedish arms exports is a controversial topic. Sweden is one of the world's leading arms exporters. In connection to an investigation conducted by the Eko in 2012, which is a program of the Swedish Radio, Sweden's long arms negotiations with Saudi Arabia. This became a big debate, because Sweden isn't supposed to negotiate with non-democratic countries. The Swedish government decided to appoint a committe to study this subject and come up with stricter laws on arms exports. The purpose of this paper is to see which theory that dominates the committe investigation. it turns out that liberalism dominates the investigation, although even in small tensile characterized by realism. Liberalism is the theory which dominates them abandoned the proposals, the view of democracy as the consequences that a more restrictive regulation would entail.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Since 1998, the European Union (EU) has begun to develop a Common European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP), which provides a stronger role in the security and defense areas in order to become a more important actor in these fields. Since that time, the member states of the European Union have been pursuing capabilities to conduct conflict prevention and crisis management operations, with no intention of overcoming NATO's role and capabilities in the field of collective defense, but with the intention of strengthening the Union's role and influence in international politics. This thesis demonstrates that a common European Security and Defense Policy is vital for the future of the European Union. The need for a common policy is more urgent than ever because only in this manner can the European Union be strong and significant. This thesis identifies and analyzes the origins of this concept, shows how the current situation has increased that demand and explains the reasons for the establishment of ESDP. The thesis concludes with an evaluation of these ideas and policy recommendations for a member state, for Greece and for the European Union itself. / Major, Hellenic Air Force