La production locale des huiles alimentaires ne constitue plus une ligne de défense crédible face aux importations dans les pays de l’UEMOA. Cette réalité contraste avec les objectifs de la politique agricole et du tarif extérieur commun (TEC) de l’UEMOA censés protéger la production communautaire. Ainsi, sous l’éclairage de la littérature économique et en se basant sur des données empiriques, nous avons utilisé les équations simultanées par pays de l’UEMOA, les équations des données de panel et les équations gravitationnelles en données de panel pour déterminer l’impact de la libéralisation commerciale sur l’offre des huiles alimentaires dans les pays de l’UEMOA.Les résultats obtenus convergent vers une même conclusion : la confrontation des objectifs de protection de la production communautaire et d’ouverture commerciale aux tests de cohérence révèle des incohérences et des contradictions. Les politiques de libéralisation commerciale ont plutôt favorisé une déstructuration du tissu productif et une désorganisation de l’architecture commerciale. De facto, l’offre des huiles alimentaires affiche deux réactions contradictoires au regard de la libéralisation commerciale au sein des pays de l’UEMOA : une réaction dépressive affichée par la production qui plombe et une réaction explosive affichée par les importations qui flambent et qui sont attirées par des rentes de réexportation. Cependant, ces rentes constituent des mirages qui réservent des implications économiques aux conséquences destructrices avec l’adoption du TEC-CEDEAO. / Local production of edible oils in the WAEMU’s countries is no longer a credible defense line against imports. This reality contrasts with the objectives of agriculture policy and WAEMU’s Common External Tariff (CET) which are supposed to protect Community production. Thus, under the light of the economic literature and based on empirical data, we used simultaneous equations for each country of WAEMU, panel data and gravity equations with panel data to determine the impact of trade liberalization on supply of edible oils in WAEMU’s countries.The results obtained converge towards the same conclusion: the confrontation of objectives of protecting local production and trade openness policy with the coherence’s tests reveals some inconsistencies and contradictions. Thus, WAEMU fails to reconcile the Union's trade openness objectives with the protection objectives of edible oils producers. Trade liberalization policies have tended to favor a disintegration of the productive structure and disruption of trade architecture. Thus, the supply of edible oils shows two contradictory reactions with regard to the trade liberalization within the WAEMU’s countries: a depressive reaction displayed by the production and an explosive reaction displayed by the imports which are attracted by re-export rents. However, these rents are mirages that reserve destructive economic implications with the adoption of ECOWAS’CET.

O objetivo da tese de doutorado é compreender o processo de criação do Conselho de Defesa Sul-americano, proposto pelo Brasil, e suas relações com a institucionalização normativa da política de defesa, como um fenômeno político relevante para os avanços em direção a um regime de cooperação de segurança sul-americana. Neste sentido, um estudo do balanço das capacidades militares é realizado com o objetivo de demonstrar a necessidade de aprofundar a cooperação regional de defesa. / The aim of this work is to understand the process of creation of the South American Defense Council proposed by Brazil and its relationship with the Brazilian Defense Policy institutionalization as a relevant phenomena in terms of forward steps towards a security cooperation regime in South America. Hence, a study focused on the balance of military capabilities has been made aiming at revealing the need to deepen the defense regional cooperation.

Submitted by ALESSANDRO LIBERATORI (liberatori93@gmail.com) on 2014-06-09T14:48:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Liberatori_08jun14_FINAL.pdf: 1020403 bytes, checksum: f1fc367db68d9efa99aa5310e136d736 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2014-06-11T13:20:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Liberatori_08jun14_FINAL.pdf: 1020403 bytes, checksum: f1fc367db68d9efa99aa5310e136d736 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2014-06-13T18:07:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Liberatori_08jun14_FINAL.pdf: 1020403 bytes, checksum: f1fc367db68d9efa99aa5310e136d736 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-13T18:07:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Liberatori_08jun14_FINAL.pdf: 1020403 bytes, checksum: f1fc367db68d9efa99aa5310e136d736 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-29 / In recent years, great progress has been made in the study of civil-military relations and its consequences for the development of defense policies of nations. In this context, this study discussed the evolution of civil-military relations and the defense policy of Argentina in the democratic governments in the period 1983-2013. It demonstrated the strong influence exerted by the civilian control over the military in the preparation and implementation of the Argentine defense policy, which may have resulted in considerable loss of effectiveness of the country's military instrument. This study also verified the positive and negative aspects of the defense policies planned and implemented by the successive governments of the period. Finally, the use of the modern concepts of effectiveness and efficiency was proven necessary in order to improve the quality of the defense policy of the Argentine State. / Nos últimos anos foi grande a evolução do estudo das relações civis-militares e seus reflexos para a elaboração das políticas de defesa das nações. Neste contexto, o presente estudo discutiu a evolução das relações civis-militares e da política de defesa da Argentina nos governos democráticos do período de 1983 a 2013. Foi demonstrada a forte influência exercida pelo controle civil sobre os militares na elaboração e na implementação da política de defesa argentina fato que pode ter redundado na perda considerável de efetividade do instrumento militar do país. Foram verificados também, os aspectos positivos e negativos das políticas de defesa planejadas e implementadas pelos sucessivos governos do período. Por último, observou-se a necessidade da utilização dos modernos conceitos de efetividade e de eficiência com o objetivo de melhorar a qualidade da política de defesa do Estado Argentino.

O objetivo da tese de doutorado é compreender o processo de criação do Conselho de Defesa Sul-americano, proposto pelo Brasil, e suas relações com a institucionalização normativa da política de defesa, como um fenômeno político relevante para os avanços em direção a um regime de cooperação de segurança sul-americana. Neste sentido, um estudo do balanço das capacidades militares é realizado com o objetivo de demonstrar a necessidade de aprofundar a cooperação regional de defesa. / The aim of this work is to understand the process of creation of the South American Defense Council proposed by Brazil and its relationship with the Brazilian Defense Policy institutionalization as a relevant phenomena in terms of forward steps towards a security cooperation regime in South America. Hence, a study focused on the balance of military capabilities has been made aiming at revealing the need to deepen the defense regional cooperation.

O objetivo da tese de doutorado é compreender o processo de criação do Conselho de Defesa Sul-americano, proposto pelo Brasil, e suas relações com a institucionalização normativa da política de defesa, como um fenômeno político relevante para os avanços em direção a um regime de cooperação de segurança sul-americana. Neste sentido, um estudo do balanço das capacidades militares é realizado com o objetivo de demonstrar a necessidade de aprofundar a cooperação regional de defesa. / The aim of this work is to understand the process of creation of the South American Defense Council proposed by Brazil and its relationship with the Brazilian Defense Policy institutionalization as a relevant phenomena in terms of forward steps towards a security cooperation regime in South America. Hence, a study focused on the balance of military capabilities has been made aiming at revealing the need to deepen the defense regional cooperation.

The 17th October 2014 the Swedish Armed Forces (SwAF) introduced an intelligence operation in Stockholm archipelago after receiving credible observations regarding illegal underwater activities. Following the data collection and associated analysis it could be stated with certainty that a foreign submarine had violated the Swedish territorial waters. Media depend on SwAF to provide them with accurate information due to the confidentiality in these matters and the general area of investigation is therefore how the actions of the Swedish Armed Forces, in the submarine incident 2014, were portrayed in the Swedish media. Newspapers and blogs of defense policy represent the media and the thesis is based on the theories constructed by Graham Allison, the rational actor, organizational behavior and governmental politics. Furthermore, it is relevant to examine if there are any similarities or differences in how the submarine incident is illustrated, and what may be the reason for any possible occurrences. The conclusion shows that the same tendency of frequent used theories occur equivalent throughout the media where the rational actor was highlighted, and few attempts were made to include governmental politics. The newspapers adopt a descriptive character whereas the blogs mainly focus on discussions regarding operational improvements, which probably vary due to the different types of platforms and their time-dependent interest in the matter.

This study uses variables derived from Rational Choice Theory to examine the theory’s predicted covariancebetween public opinion and the parties’ policies. The collection of material has been guided by three arenas: the parliamentarian, the media and the voter’s. It has categorized the analysis based on the strategy concept, using ends, means and ways. It asks how the Moderate Party and the Social Democratic Party changed their strategy within the period of 31 May 2013 and 14 September 2014, and how this can be understood from a rational choice perspective. The purpose of the study is to examine the assumptions of Rational Choice Theory in the Swedish context in front of the election in 2014, and to understand this from the perspective of the theory. This can help in our understanding of defense policy formation and to our understanding of states’ relations on the international arena. The results show that there has been a more ambitious change in defense policy which covariates with the indicated positive change in public opinion on defense issues, but this did not make defense issues one of the 2014 election’s most important questions for the voters in choice of party to vote for. This can be understood as rational, seen from a RCT-perspective, since the other issues renders more support, a circumstance that is in line with the history of Swedish elections.

The 17th October 2014 the Swedish Armed Forces (SwAF) introduced an intelligence operation in Stockholm archipelago after receiving credible observations regarding illegal underwater activities. Following the data collection and associated analysis it could be stated with certainty that a foreign submarine had violated the Swedish territorial waters. Media depend on SwAF to provide them with accurate information due to the confidentiality in these matters and the general area of investigation is therefore how the actions of the Swedish Armed Forces, in the submarine incident 2014, were portrayed in the Swedish media. Newspapers and blogs of defense policy represent the media and the thesis is based on the theories constructed by Graham Allison, the rational actor, organizational behavior and governmental politics. Furthermore, it is relevant to examine if there are any similarities or differences in how the submarine incident is illustrated, and what may be the reason for any possible occurrences. The conclusion shows that the same tendency of frequent used theories occur equivalent throughout the media where the rational actor was highlighted, and few attempts were made to include governmental politics. The newspapers adopt a descriptive character whereas the blogs mainly focus on discussions regarding operational improvements, which probably vary due to the different types of platforms and their time-dependent interest in the matter.

This thesis examines the correlation between the Swedish National Library Strategy and the Swedish National Security Strategy. These strategies originates from two different political fields that seemingly has nothing to do with each other. However, in the Swedish National Library Strategy, it states that public libraries in Sweden should be a part of the nation’s civil defense, and therefore be a part of Sweden’s total defense system. In the National Library Strategy, libraries are considered vital in order to sustain a strong democracy, this is described through the libraries focus on educating citizens in media and information literacy (MIL), as well as the librarians role as an independent and neutral information intermediary. Libraries would therefore enrich the civil defense through a crisis, or a wartime situation. However, in the National Security Strategy the vital role of public libraries within the defense system is not being discussed. The statement from the National Library Strategy has been met with a lot of questions and dispute. The reactions of the statement is in fact the premise of this thesis. The subsequent ignorance of the statement requires further knowledge, which this thesis establish. A comparative qualitative content analysis is applied to find similarities and differences between the two political fields, in order to understand the statement made in the Swedish National Library Strategy. The source material of this thesis consists of these two strategies, as well as further selected reports and research papers that is linked to the two strategies. The results of this thesis show that there is a communal discussion about threat scenarios, and that there are a mutual goal of a strong upheld democracy in both of the policies. However, the results show that there are differences in how to encounter and overcome the threats. This is a two years master’s thesis in Library and Information Science.

Diploma thesis "European collaborative defense projects and the military capacity of the EU" is dealing with the realization of cooperative projects and with their influence on the development of military capacities of the European Union member states. The author examines the economic and military advantages of international defense collaboration. The optimal way of collaboration leads to lower development and production costs, higher quality of the product and better competitiveness on the market. The author uses selected European programs to test how the results are achieved in reality. Further author identifies the goals of the European Defense and Security Policy as they were set up by the European Union. Mainly the so called Petersberg Tasks. The author examines which military capabilities the European Union needs to build in order to realize the full scope of the Petersberg Tasks and whether the realized collaborative projects enhance the capabilities of the Union for these tasks.