This research is concerned with Kai Tahu experiences and understandings of the concept and use of the term, landscape. The term itself is one used variously to represent for us as Iwi, the land and the sea including flora and fauna. The Kai Tahu landscape is Papatuanuku, our cosmological mother. Particular areas used for the case studies include the following marae: Otakou, Karitane, Kaikoura, Tuahiwi, Ka marae e toru o Horomaka, Taumutu, Te Tai Poutini, Hukanui, Waihopai, Arowhenua, Oraka, Awarua and the many places of te rohe potae o Kai Tahu i Te Waipounamu. Material was drawn from literature, the participants formally interviewed and many from within and outside Kai Tahu rohe potae. All responses are used to illustrate the ways in which Kai Tahu and some of their non-Kai Tahu spouses express particular definitions of what for each, constitutes and is constituted in the landscape. Kai Tahu participants� landscape definition includes whakapapa, placenames, identity (personal and cultural), spirituality and sustenance. Elements of these are present to a similar degree for some of the spouses, but not all. This seems largely dependent upon the degree to which they have participated in matters pertaining to Kai Tahu. Degrees of participation and connection may be applied to Tahu people alienated from their kaik, whether urbanised near or distantly domiciled. Theoretical bases in literature from a number of disciplines are used to discuss perceptions of what anthropologists more usually term �place� and how Kai Tahu fit this or choose to fit the understanding of cultural others into our world view. The research also looks briefly at the environmental landscape and who presently has power and therefore mana over its use and or misuse, especially in relation to management of Papatuanuku. Due to the [sic] of the type [sic] project this thesis is, it cannot finally conclude there is a single Kai Tahu or gender specific perception of landscape. This would never be provable in any circumstance, since it is not scientifically based. It does however, suggest there is an indigenous perspective of landscape that differs from certain Western thinking and within the indigenous perspective, a Kai Tahu epistemological understanding of the landscape based on our theory and knowledge of ourselves.

This research is concerned with Kai Tahu experiences and understandings of the concept and use of the term, landscape. The term itself is one used variously to represent for us as Iwi, the land and the sea including flora and fauna. The Kai Tahu landscape is Papatuanuku, our cosmological mother. Particular areas used for the case studies include the following marae: Otakou, Karitane, Kaikoura, Tuahiwi, Ka marae e toru o Horomaka, Taumutu, Te Tai Poutini, Hukanui, Waihopai, Arowhenua, Oraka, Awarua and the many places of te rohe potae o Kai Tahu i Te Waipounamu. Material was drawn from literature, the participants formally interviewed and many from within and outside Kai Tahu rohe potae. All responses are used to illustrate the ways in which Kai Tahu and some of their non-Kai Tahu spouses express particular definitions of what for each, constitutes and is constituted in the landscape. Kai Tahu participants� landscape definition includes whakapapa, placenames, identity (personal and cultural), spirituality and sustenance. Elements of these are present to a similar degree for some of the spouses, but not all. This seems largely dependent upon the degree to which they have participated in matters pertaining to Kai Tahu. Degrees of participation and connection may be applied to Tahu people alienated from their kaik, whether urbanised near or distantly domiciled. Theoretical bases in literature from a number of disciplines are used to discuss perceptions of what anthropologists more usually term �place� and how Kai Tahu fit this or choose to fit the understanding of cultural others into our world view. The research also looks briefly at the environmental landscape and who presently has power and therefore mana over its use and or misuse, especially in relation to management of Papatuanuku. Due to the [sic] of the type [sic] project this thesis is, it cannot finally conclude there is a single Kai Tahu or gender specific perception of landscape. This would never be provable in any circumstance, since it is not scientifically based. It does however, suggest there is an indigenous perspective of landscape that differs from certain Western thinking and within the indigenous perspective, a Kai Tahu epistemological understanding of the landscape based on our theory and knowledge of ourselves.

This thesis examines visitors' awareness and experiences of cultural values for natural areas of importance to Maori. The South Island/Te Wai Pounamu contains natural landscapes with scenic and recreational values that attract large numbers of domestic and international visitors. Many of these areas have a cultural significance for members of the South Island's Ngai Tahu iwi and hapu groups. The Ngai Tahu Claims Settlement Act 1998 legally recognised the traditional relationships between the iwi and the natural world, whilst other Acts of Parliament provide direction to government agencies for encouraging iwi involvement in the management of natural resources. Measures include increased participation in the management of national parks through iwi representation on regional conservation boards, the New Zealand Conservation Authority, and the inclusion of Ngai Tahu values within subsequent national park management plans. National park interpretation may influence visitors' awareness of cultural values for natural areas as visitors encounter information panels, displays, publications such as visitor guides or brochures, experience guided tours and/or audiovisual shows and view other interpretive medium. The researcher investigated visitors' awareness of Maori values for landscape at three South Island case study sites: Aoraki/Mount Cook National Park, Fiordland National Park, and Lake Pukaki. An understanding of the Ngai Tahu values for these areas was achieved through site visits, a literature review and informal interviews to enable comparisons of the management history of interpretation at the case study sites. Visitors' experiences at each site were explored with interviews, participant observations and a survey that provided qualitative and quantitative data. The survey was administered between January and April 2000 to 716 visitors, yielding 472 valid returns (65.9%). A comprehensive profile of visitors' demographics, social and environmental values was developed from the survey data. Visitors were well educated with 70% having a tertiary education and the majority of visitors were employed in professional occupations. When asked about their previous experiences of other cultures, many visitors reported prior encounters with Australian Aborigine and Native Americans. Visitors considered Rotorua and the Bay of Islands as the locations most closely associated with Maori whereas the study sites were not regarded as significant to Maori, despite the presence of on-site interpretation conveying Maori values for each area. Maori culture was not an important travel motivation for most visitors to these areas and the research revealed diverse reactions from the survey respondents towards cultural interpretive material. Despite this a small percentage of visitors (14%), of domestic and international origins, had an extremely strong interest in future opportunities to experience cultural interpretation of the landscape, particularly in material that tended towards the narrative, for example mythology and legends. It was concluded that a niche demand for Maori perspectives of natural areas could be further met with increased resources for interpretation at visitor centres. It was also proposed that such interpretation could attract a Maori audience, increasing Maori visitation to national parks. The participation of Maori and other host community members in the development and delivery of cultural landscape interpretation would provide broad perspectives and unique educational opportunities for the visiting public. At the case study areas, and throughout New Zealand, the cultural landscapes encountered by visitors had complex and diverse meanings to a wide range of peoples, depending on individual circumstances. Similarly, the diversity of visitors requires the development of interpretation which responds to visitor demand as well as management needs, the multitude of meanings for the landscape being but one of many possible themes.

For Maori the cultural landscape is the foundation of traditional, historical and spiritual values and is fundamental to their cultural ideology. It is the relationship between people and the land that bestows Maori with a sense of cultural identity and belonging. At present the cultural landscape is under increasing pressure from inappropriate development, resulting not only in the destruction of the physical landscape but also defilement of associated intrinsic values. Planning for Maori cultural landscape values at the district level is challenging, with limited sucess in curbing landscape degradation under a dominant western planning regime. This study examines the planning process incorporating the cultural landscape values of Maori within the context of the Dunedin district. An overview of cultural landscape significance is provided. The study also assesses the current measures employed onto the landscape. The study also assesses the current measures employed for protecting the cultural landscape and offers recommendations for improving the integration of cultural landscape values into the planning process, both at a general level and with particular reference to three case studies of culturally significant landscapes in Dunedin. A combination of in-depth interviews with local Maori and Dunedin City Council planners, literature review, district plan content analysis and case studies established that current protection measures engaged by the Dunedin City Council are insufficient and lack the specificity required for adequate cultural landscape protection. A general lack of comprehension regarding cultural landscape meaning amongst planners was also found. It is recommended that cultural landscape planning extends beyond statutory requirements to adopt a collaborative approach, with Maori having a more significant role in the planning process. Three main recommendations for future management of the cultural landscape are provided: identification, co-management and public education. Together these recommendations promote a move towards a planning system with a greater bi-cultural focus. Improved protection provisions in planning will ensure the continuation and enhancement of the Maori cultural landscape into the future, as part of New Zealand�s heritage.

This thesis examines a lithic assemblage from Cat�s Eye Point (J42/4), Kakanui, North Otago, New Zealand. This archaic site was excavated during 1996 and 1997 and the lithic assemblage was collected from 41m� excavated during these two seasons. Previous studies of lithic material from New Zealand and the Pacific are reviewed to indicate the range of information that can be gained from lithic analysis. Themes of research in the North Otago region are also examined to place Cat�s Eye Point into its regional context. This thesis had three main areas of investigation. The first involved a descriptive and technological analysis of the debitage using mass flake analysis (MFA) and individual flake analysis (IFA). Formal artefacts, such as hammerstones, blanks, and performs, were also examined. Secondly, spatial analysis was used to determine if the lithic assemblage could be used to infer intra-site activity areas. This was conducted by analysing macro- (flakes larger than 3mm) and microdebitage (flakes less than 3mm) by examining the range of material types. The third area of investigation examined debitage recovered from 6.4mm (1/4 inch) and 3.2mm (1/8 inch) sieves to determine if any significant technological information was gained by debitage from the 3.2mm sieve. The conclusions of this study indicate that there were two methods of basalt cobble reduction at Cat�s Eye Point for adze production. Adze production at Cat�s Eye Point was opportunistic and the non-local material curated. The results of the debitage analysis indicate that the entire sequence of adze manufacture did not occur in the excavated area of Cat�s Eye Point and the initial cobble reduction probably occurred on the adjacent beach where the cobbles are found today. Consequently, coastal rock outcrops, even without evidence of associated debitage, must be viewed as potential sources of rock for stone tool manufacture unless determined otherwise. The spatial analysis detected two activity areas and a disposal area at Cat�s Eye Point. The analysis of the 6.4mm and 3.2mm debitage found that no significant technological information was gained by examining the smaller flakes.

For Maori the cultural landscape is the foundation of traditional, historical and spiritual values and is fundamental to their cultural ideology. It is the relationship between people and the land that bestows Maori with a sense of cultural identity and belonging. At present the cultural landscape is under increasing pressure from inappropriate development, resulting not only in the destruction of the physical landscape but also defilement of associated intrinsic values. Planning for Maori cultural landscape values at the district level is challenging, with limited sucess in curbing landscape degradation under a dominant western planning regime. This study examines the planning process incorporating the cultural landscape values of Maori within the context of the Dunedin district. An overview of cultural landscape significance is provided. The study also assesses the current measures employed onto the landscape. The study also assesses the current measures employed for protecting the cultural landscape and offers recommendations for improving the integration of cultural landscape values into the planning process, both at a general level and with particular reference to three case studies of culturally significant landscapes in Dunedin. A combination of in-depth interviews with local Maori and Dunedin City Council planners, literature review, district plan content analysis and case studies established that current protection measures engaged by the Dunedin City Council are insufficient and lack the specificity required for adequate cultural landscape protection. A general lack of comprehension regarding cultural landscape meaning amongst planners was also found. It is recommended that cultural landscape planning extends beyond statutory requirements to adopt a collaborative approach, with Maori having a more significant role in the planning process. Three main recommendations for future management of the cultural landscape are provided: identification, co-management and public education. Together these recommendations promote a move towards a planning system with a greater bi-cultural focus. Improved protection provisions in planning will ensure the continuation and enhancement of the Maori cultural landscape into the future, as part of New Zealand�s heritage.

This thesis examines a lithic assemblage from Cat�s Eye Point (J42/4), Kakanui, North Otago, New Zealand. This archaic site was excavated during 1996 and 1997 and the lithic assemblage was collected from 41m� excavated during these two seasons. Previous studies of lithic material from New Zealand and the Pacific are reviewed to indicate the range of information that can be gained from lithic analysis. Themes of research in the North Otago region are also examined to place Cat�s Eye Point into its regional context. This thesis had three main areas of investigation. The first involved a descriptive and technological analysis of the debitage using mass flake analysis (MFA) and individual flake analysis (IFA). Formal artefacts, such as hammerstones, blanks, and performs, were also examined. Secondly, spatial analysis was used to determine if the lithic assemblage could be used to infer intra-site activity areas. This was conducted by analysing macro- (flakes larger than 3mm) and microdebitage (flakes less than 3mm) by examining the range of material types. The third area of investigation examined debitage recovered from 6.4mm (1/4 inch) and 3.2mm (1/8 inch) sieves to determine if any significant technological information was gained by debitage from the 3.2mm sieve. The conclusions of this study indicate that there were two methods of basalt cobble reduction at Cat�s Eye Point for adze production. Adze production at Cat�s Eye Point was opportunistic and the non-local material curated. The results of the debitage analysis indicate that the entire sequence of adze manufacture did not occur in the excavated area of Cat�s Eye Point and the initial cobble reduction probably occurred on the adjacent beach where the cobbles are found today. Consequently, coastal rock outcrops, even without evidence of associated debitage, must be viewed as potential sources of rock for stone tool manufacture unless determined otherwise. The spatial analysis detected two activity areas and a disposal area at Cat�s Eye Point. The analysis of the 6.4mm and 3.2mm debitage found that no significant technological information was gained by examining the smaller flakes.

Having reviewed an example of environmental degradation (the effect of gold mining related activities on the acquatic ecosystems in Te Tai Poutini) from varying Maori and Pakeha perspectives I have developed a framework to find combine these perspectives into a working analytical tool kit. The tool kit is intended to better define the problems to ensure that they take into account the widely differing views of Maori and Pakeha and is able to promote solutions that will be appropriate and safe for both Maori and Pakeha. I have sought to collect and present a comprehensive analysis of both perspectives. I have focussed more heavily however on the Maori paradigms as they are less well reported in the literature on environmental health and less influence on the way we seek to protect people from the negative effects of environmental degradation. This is despite the fact that as Maori are more likely to be exposed to environmental damage in that they are on average poorer and therefore have less choice about where they may live and are more likely to eat foods taken directly from the environment. I will also show that the damage to the Arahura is far more than physical and will show the concern of kaumatua and their psychological anguish they have felt over the damage to this most tapu river. For this reason I have chosen to present this thesis, in the form of a powhiri model. This model allows me to present different aspects of the problem from a Maori perspective including the views of kaumatua as well as recorded traditions. I have then followed these sections with a response from a Pakeha perspective. This includes reviewing the different underlying world, view as well as some attempt to review the damage in Pakeha terms by reviewing the literature and undertaking some tests to establish procedures for a more comprehensive testing of the enviroment that surrounds the Arahura. The thesis will conclude with a section summarising both strands of information and attempt to develop a framework for a health tool kit - he kete hauora. This kete will utilise Whare Tapa Wha as a way of placing the information in a context that can be presented in a reasonably coherent form. Finally I will make a number of recommendations that I called a place mat - he whariki. These recommendations are presented in a framework from Te Tiriti o Waitangi. This reflects the primacy of the Treaty when considering the ways in which Maori are to be protected by the Crown. These recommendations seek to respond to the principle barriers that are currently preventing local Maori from achieving a full sense of well being but, if implemented, these recommendations will ensure the protection of the health of all peoples of Te Tai Poutini.

Rakiura Maori continue a centuries old harvest of titi chicks (sooty shearwater, Puffinus griseus) which is governed primarily by Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK). The sustainability of titi harvesting is of high cultural, social and ecological importance. Some commentators view contemporary use of TEK as insufficient to ensure sustainability because it is no longer intact, too passive, and/or potentially inadequate to meet new ecological and technical challenges. Such assertions have been made in the absence of detailed description of TEK and associated social mechanisms. This thesis describes Rakiura Maori TEK practices and management systems that are in place and asks whether such systems are effective today, and whether they will remain effective in future. Ecological, social and cultural factors are intertwined in cultural wildlife harvests so the methodology used was a combination of quantitative ecological methods and semi-directive interviews of 20 experienced harvesting elders. The research also used ecological science to evaluate potential harvest monitoring methods and to determine what sets the limits on harvest. These ecological studies focused on harvesting by four families on Putauhinu Island in 1997-1999. Harvest is divided into two parts. In the first period (�nanao�) chicks are extracted from breeding burrows during daytime. In the second period (�rama�) chicks are captured at night when they have emerged from burrows. Nanao harvest rates only increased slightly with increasing chick densities and birders� harvest rates varied in their sensitivities to changing chick density. Although harvest rates can only provide a general index of population change a monitoring panel, with careful selection of participants, may be the only feasible way to assess population trend and thereby harvest sustainability or the resource�s response to changed management. Rakiura Maori harvesting practice constitutes common property resource management based on birthright and a system of traditional rules. Protection of island habitat and adult birds, and temporal restricitions on harvest are considered most important. Legislation and a belief system of reciprocity and connection to ancestors and environment aid enforcement of the rules. Ecological knowledge is learnt through observation, hands-on experience and storytelling. Younger Rakiura Maori now spend less time harvesting which puts pressure on the transmission of knowledge. Paradoxically, use of modern technology for harvesting aids transfer of essential skills because it is easier and faster to learn, thereby contributing to the continuance of a culturally important harvest. Limits on harvest are passive, with the numbers of chicks taken determined by the time spent harvesting and processing. Processing is more limiting during the rama period. Future innovations that decrease the time to process each chick during rama could greatly increase the total number of chicks caught. Recently introduced motorised plucking machines decrease the time required to pluck each chick. However, on Putauhinu Island, use of plucking machines did not increase the number of chicks harvested, indicating social mechanisms were also limiting. Elders identified changing values between the generations, which may reduce the future strength of social limitations on harvest pressure. Global climate change may reduce the predicability of traditional knowledge. Rakiura Maori have identified this risk and sought to examine ecological science as a tool to complement traditional knowledge for monitoring harvest sustainability. Climate change, declining tītī numbers and potential changes in technology or markets all threaten the effectiveness of current social limits to harvest. Rakiura Maori have previously shown the ability to adapt and must look to add resilience to their institutions to ensure we keep the titi forever.

This thesis describes a systemic approach to the study of shell remains, using material from the site of Shag Point (J43/11), in North Otago. This approach analyses the relationship between sampling, identification, quantification, and site formation processes. An historical and methodological framework is used to assess the analysis of shell-bearing deposits in New Zealand, and provide innovative solutions to bias. Historical research outlines the common research methods in New Zealand, which are relevant to Shag Point. Methodological research outlines the range of potential research methods used in the study of shell-bearing deposits. Reviewing the data from Shag Point, sampling, identification, quantification, and site formation processes are used to assess the quality of data from the site. Data from coastal sites are commonly used to generate regional level syntheses. These syntheses do not deal with all of the possible sources of bias in shell-bearing deposits. Cumulative sampling is used to assess representativeness. The data from Shag Point are indicative of a representative sample. The site is compared to three other coastal southern South Island assemblages: the nearby Shag River Mouth, Pleasant River, and Pounawea. The data from Shag River Mouth may be representative; the same cannot be said for the Pleasant River and Pounawea archaeological assemblages, thus hampering regional-level syntheses.