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This research undertakes a theoretical investigation of concepts related to industrial democracy and examines the need for workplace democracy within South Africa's dynamic contemporary context. It looks at the history of labour relations in South Africa as well as current labour relations and new legalisation in order to identify relevant change that has occurred that may facilitate the realisation of a democratic working environment. Labour relations in South Africa have always been conflictual and currently, during South Africa's transition to democracy, they continue to pose many challenges. This dissertation examines these challenges and investigates ways and means of achieving successful and sustainable transformation within the workplace that reflects the broader ideals of an improved quality of life anticipated by a political democracy. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1998.

The contoured logic of apartheid in South Africa constructed racial, economic, social and political segregation, the consequences of which are still experienced today. In an attempt to alter the demographic weighting of disadvantage, the South African government has made concerted efforts to ‘deracialise’ South Africa most notably through Affirmative Action (AA) measures. Subjective, contextualised approaches to AA have received little attention both locally and internationally. This study aimed to explore AA from a social constructionist orientation with a focus on Potter and Wetherell’s discursive psychology. Semi-structured interviews were used to collect the data from 17 participants. The sample included both male (5) and female (12) participants and representation from all major race groups in South Africa. The findings illustrate how participants engage in discursive devices that rationalise a racial order of competence. The discourses also reflected polarised views of affirmative action. By and large, Black participants maintain that racial inequality still exists. White participants, on the other hand, continue to feel marginalised and discriminated against, by the policy. Furthermore, the results identify the various flavours in which redress can be realised. As new knowledge, the study also suggests that despite the negative experiences associated with AA, participants were generally in favour of the principles embedded within the policy. Ultimately this study suggests that AA continues to be a controversial subject which traverses many segments of life. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2013.

This study investigates the challenges and benefits of policy networks. It focuses specifically on the experiences of the Centre for Crimlnal Justice, examining the challenges and benefits it experiences in its networks. In spite of the widely applauded benefits of networks in this study and in other publications, findings from this study still highlight the challenges of networks in labour policy implementation. The study reveals that the element of diversity and the complicated nature of networks' management threaten networks' ability to realize their objectives. The lack of binding regulations and managerial structures in certain networks reveals the drawback in networks' management. Firstly, it raises questions about the legitimacy of any self-initiated coordination in networks since such might not be formally accepted by network members. Secondly, the thesis argues that the lack of binding regulations in some networks deepen the likelihood of uncooperative attitude among actors, especially when it suits them, given that there are no defined consequences for their actions. Other findings in this study draw attention to the operational conflict between the vertical and lateral-minded members of a network. This discusses the question of methodological disagreement between actors of contrasting view points in the execution of certain tasks. Finally, the thesis looks at the question of actors' autonomy in a network. It argues that threats to actors' autonomy or dignity could promote lack of commitment from network members, neglect of responsibility and the possible breakdown of the network if such issues are not properly addressed. In summary, though networks are ideal tools for policy implementation and service delivery in contemporary society, they nevertheless have their challenges. Hence the study concludes with an invitation for proper acknowledgement of the challenges in the process of networks and the need for further studies in this field to enhance the effectiveness of networks in implementation processes.

The early history of South African industrial development has been approached from essentially two angles. One body of thought has concentrated on the adverse effect colour bars have had on the development of South Africa. It is argued that racial discrimination in industry originated from the racial prejudice of white workers and from state intervention in the economy. Opposed to that view is the interpretation that the colour bar originated out of the specific character and subsequent development of South African capitalism. This study approaches the debates and arguments through an analysis of the Wage Act of 1925. The industrial relations system which operates in South Africa has its origins in the legislation of the 1920s. It is based on the Industrial Conciliation Act of 1924 and the Wage Act of 1925. Very few systematic analyses of the Wage Act have been produced hitherto. Most commentators have focussed on single aspects of the Act, but very few have attempted an examination of the operation of the Wage Board which was established by the Act. The Wage Board was instituted as an element to promote the civilised labour policy in the private sector. Whereas the Industrial Conciliation Act operated to protect organised labour, the Wage Act concentrated on unorganised trades and sections of trades. Although empowered to investigate conditions in the mining industry, the Wage Board was never used to regulate wages in that industry under the Wage Act due to opposition from the industry. It was concerned solely with secondary industrial and manufacturing establishments because agriculture and domestic service were excluded from the Wage Act. The Wage Act was based on the principal of compulsory regulation. Determinations in terms of the Board's recommendations were binding on employees and employers alike. Complex procedures hampered the activity of the Board until 1930 when the Act was amended and simplified. The Board faced a great deal of opposition from manufacturers in its early years. But a cautious approach and the gradual implementation of determinations ensured that employers opposition soon changed to support when it became clear the Board was not an arbitrary one. The Board had to take a number of strict considerations into account. It could not recommend wages if its recommendation would affect the particular trade concerned adversely. It concerned itself with the promotion of efficiency in business, production costs, consumerism , the wasteful employment of labour, the length of the working day and the productivity of employees. As such it was used as a means to assist the necessary rationalisation and reorganisation of South African industry. It could not recommend wages without the Minister's express instructions if all the employees covered by a reference could not receive a civilised wage . Civilised wages were classified as wages at which employees could enjoy white standards of living. This clause effectively introduced a colour bar into wage determinations. It operated before 1930 to buttress Industrial Council Agreements to prevent the displacement of whites by Africans at lower rates. The Wage Board also considered investigations from unskilled, African workers. The Board was not permitted by law to discriminate against people of colour. Apart from the potential colour bar of wage regulation in general in South Africa, the Board was instructed in 1930 to refrain from issuing recommendations for African workers. Regulations were also altered to exclude Africans. The Wage Act declined in importance after the Great Depression as white workers were drawn closer to the wider-reaching Industrial Conciliation Act. The need to regulate African wages and to control African labour became more evident during the period of economic expansion in the 1930s. The Act was replaced in 1937 and the restrictions formerly placed on Africans were removed. The workforce had finally been separated with the provision of different industrial relations appartuses." "...Every industrial and commercial centre in England now possesses a working class divided into two hostile camps, English proletarians and Irish proletarians. The ordinary English worker hates the Irish worker as a competitor who lowers his standard of life. In relation to the Irish worker he feels himself a member of the ruling nation and so turns himself into a tool of the aristocrats and capitalists of his country against Ireland, thus strengthening their domination over himself. He cherishes religious, social, and national prejudices against the Irish worker. His attitude towards him is much the same as that of the 'poor whites' to the 'niggers' in the former slave states of the USA. The Irishman pays him back with interest in his own money. He sees in the English worker at once the accomplice and the stupid tool of the English rule in Ireland. This antagonism is artificially kept alive and intensified by the press, the pulpit, the comic papers, in short, by all the means at the disposal of the ruling classes. This antagonism is the secret of the impotence of the English working class, despite its organisation. It is the secret by which the capitalist class maintains its power. And that class is fully aware of it." Marx to Siegfried Meyer and August Vogt April 9 1870 Marx and Engels Ireland and the Irish Question.

This research focuses on the experiences of Africans within the management ranks in South African organisations in the private sector. It examines progress (successes and failures) in the implementation of affirmative action programmes. The research further examines power as a concomitant of the managerial role. It argues that the approach that uses the notion of socio-psychological barriers directed to the individual aspirant may be incomplete in explaining lack of mobility if it fails to account for the broader power dynamics and structures within South African organisations. Furthermore, it explores attributes of individual managers as well as those of organisations in order to establish the fit between the individual and the organisation, looks at practices that are often associated with affirmative action programmes and describes empirically the experiences of black managers in such settings. The research concludes that in the absence of programmes that enable aspirant executives to empower themselves psychologically for upward mobility, affirmative action programmes may not be sustainable. The underlying assumption of this research is that the historical legacy which subjected Africans to an official policy of discrimination for decades impeded their upward mobility in the labour market, thus enabling the white labour force to occupy a position of privilege in the private sector. In such settings white managers are confronted with the role of implementing affirmative action programmes which pose a threat to the privileges they have grown accumstomed to. White managers are thus perceived by their black counterparts as reluctant agents of change. The research is guided by the hypotheses that where blacks in managerial positions perceive themselves as being unable to influence organisational decisions, or as having no control over resources, people and information, they would feel that affirmative action is disempowering. To obtain the required information a structured interview schedule with both open ended and closed-ended questions was used. Questions tapped the perceptions of black managers regarding their empowerment in employing organisations. Face-to-face interviews with 100 black managers from the private sector were conducted by the author. The resultant data was captured on a computer data base and then subjected to various forms of statistical analyses. The main predictor of feelings of empowerment was found to be the manager's centrality in decision-making processes. It was also found that positive relationships with superiors and colleagues influenced feelings of empowerment, as did membership of corporate clubs. Job rank was positively related to relationships with superiors and colleagues. It was also found that affirmative action environments presented this group with some contradictions: they advanced much slower than their white colleagues, and supervised largely, or only blacks, and/or are in specialist positions with no budgetary control. Organisational climate factors (negative attitudes and unfair promotional practices) were still perceived to be in place. Educational qualifications were not found to be good predictors of empowerment. The findings suggest that affirmative action programmes need to take the heterogeneity of managers into account. Management must show that managing diversity is crucial to their productivity and competitiveness. It is also important for such programmes to examine the format of corporate clubs, and consider altering them to accommodate the social reality of black managers. Lastly, a fundamental transformation of power relations is necessary so that decision-makers operate from more or less the same level of power. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1996.